The Bangladesh army late this month revealed that it foiled a coup attempt against the democratically elected government, led by Sheikh Hasina. The army further revealed that the coup was organized by some middle ranking officers and some retired officers, who were mainly motivated by ‘fanatical religious views.’ Extremist and banned organizations played critical role in radicalizing some of the officers of the army with the ostensive motive of establishing an ‘Islamic Emirate of Bangladesh,’ as against the democratic and secular policies of the Sheikh Hasina government. The coup also pointed out the fragile state building apparatus in Bangladesh, one of the poor countries in South Asia, and increasing clout of extremist forces, as well as the increasing tussle between democratically elected government and extremist forces.
Bangladesh’s odyssey towards democracy and development has never been smooth since its emergence as an independent nation in 1971. The founder of the nation, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, was killed with most members of his family in an army coup in 1975. The army rule continued till 1990. The two major national parties Awami League, led by daughter of Mujibur, Hasina, and Bangladesh National Party (BNP), led by Khaleda Zia ruled the country till 2007, when country wide chaos and protests led intervention of the army, which continued till December 2008, when Hasina came back to power with an absolute majority in parliament. While Hasina followed the policies outlined by his father towards evolving Bangladesh as a democratic society, the tilt of the opposition BNP towards extremist forces appeared more prominent. In fact BNP had earlier formed government at the centre with a Jamaat-e-Islami which is well known for its radical views and agendas. The two women remained at the helm of Bangladesh politics but with least agreement between them on the issues of development, democracy, secularism, relations with neighbours. As a result, the slide of this tiny nation, surrounded on three sides by India and on one side by Bay of Bengal, and with myriad problems like poverty, illiteracy, population explosion, into instability became obvious.
However, while Bangladesh’s journey towards development and democracy remained fragile, its movement towards radicalism and violence happened steadfastly. In the narratives of its nation building and extremism, the later has appeared to trump over the former. The steady growth of radical elements and their entrenchment into the armed forces became widely visible in late 1990s and later. The rise of Hizbut Tahrir in 2000 and its collusion with Al Qaeda became apparent in later years. The organization collected enough money from home and from abroad to plant seeds of extremism in Bangladesh soil, otherwise stricken by poverty and corruption, and draw to its fold unemployed youth. There were around 125 extremist organizations in the country including Jamatul Mujahidin Bangladesh, Harkatul Jihadi Islami and Khatme Nobuwat. According to former Bangladesh Foreign Secretary Shafi Sami, the extremists in Bangladesh trained around 50,000 cadres by 2004-05. The extremist organizations did not hide its anti-secular rhetoric and even supported extremist organizations from India like Indian Mujahideen. Indian police has revealed on many occasions how the collusion of Indian Mujahideen and Harkatul Jihadi Islami played a dangerous role in orchestrating bomb blasts in various Indian cities. Sheikh Hasina did strike the hornet’s nest when her government banned the organization in October 2010, thus further earning its ire and strengthening its resolve to work against Hasina.
Hasina’s emphasis on democracy and secularism, and her initiatives to promote friendly relations with India too did not fit well with the policies of radicals as well as some opposition parties, which perceive India not in friendly terms. Hasina’s policies to move close to India further earned the ire of the extremists. After coming to power in December 2008, Hasina’s first foreign visit was India, and during her visit both the countries signed many agreements, and resolved to solve many contentious issues. She moved the state apparatus to eliminate networks of Indian insurgents in Bangladesh soil. India’s northeast has always been thorny due to insurgency, as the separatist and unruly elements often found safe haven in the neighbourhood. Hasina ensured their dismantlement from the Bangladesh soil. India’s Prime Minister Manmohan Singh visited Bangladesh last year to further boost bilateral relations. Hasina government has also taken positively India’s request for transit in Bangladesh soil and ports for movement of goods and smooth trade with its northeast and ASEAN countries particularly Myanmar. This month Hasina visited border Indian state of Tripura to receive honorary doctorate degree from Tripura University. While receiving the award, Hasina praised India profusely and narrated how India played an active role in its liberation and how Tripura played a key role in providing shelter to more than a million refugees from Bangladesh during the liberation war. This praise of India, which is perceived by some extremists as a Hindu state, might have further bolstered the resolve of radicals to see Hasina in negative.
Hasina opened Pandora’s Box by opening the case of 1971 war, and put to trial many army officers who were involved in crimes including human rights violations. As earlier Bangladesh was a part of Pakistan; it was but natural that some of these officers owed allegiance to Pakistan and its policies. Reportedly, in 2009 Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari sent an emissary to Dhaka to persuade Hasina not to open the past cases, but Hasina went ahead with her policies to put to trial these officers. Such an act might have been construed by some opposition parties as anti-Pakistan and pro-India, thus further ensconcing internecine feud in Bangladesh politics. The army spokesperson, Brigadier General Mashud Razzaq remained veiled when he said “We will not brush aside the possibility.” It may be farfetched to conclude the involvement of Pakistan in the coup and as the army rightly says that the detailed investigation will reveal more skeletons in the cupboard. However, even without external intervention, the Bangladesh politics is chaotic and radical enough to spring homemade coups. A study of 2005 suggests that about 60 per cent of Bangladesh’s armed forces, particularly the lower ranks, are radicalized and have become ideological and political. Razzaq said, “If you review the mode of activities of militant organizations, their indoctrination system, ideology and how they work, you will know that two to three officers admitted their links with Hizbut Tahrir.”
The coup attempt took a concrete shape in December 2011. Two retired army officers and about 16 middle level officers were involved in the plot, with support from an outsider, based in Hong Kong. One Major Ziaul Huq played an active role in coordinating the coup attempt, and sent emails to a non-resident Bangladeshi, Ishraq Ahmed, reportedly based in Hong Kong and published blog in facebook inciting revolt. One national daily, Amar Desh, sympathetic to radical ideology published the blog under title, “Mid-level officers of Bangladesh Army are Bringing Down Changes Soon.” The Hizbut Tahrir distributed leaflets containing the blog. After the army busted the blot and arrested two retired army officers Lt. Col. Ehsan Yusuf and Major Zakir, and house arrested two serving officers Maj. Gen. Kamruzzaman and Brig. Gen. Tariq, the coup attempt has so far been foiled. While Major Huq is absconding, the army is conducting the detailed investigation in the coup. The army spokesperson Razzaq promised to cleanse the ‘evil forces banked on Bangladesh Army.’
Undoubtedly with the failed coup attempt, the democracy in Bangladesh will be further strengthened. But, it will be difficult to say, given the radicalization of the society, whether there will be no further coup attempts in future. Within three years in office, the Hasina government has already faced two coup attempts, one in 2009 organized by the Bangladesh Rifles, and the recent one by middle level army officers. However, with the failure of this coup, one can further hope with army spokesperson Razzaq that army will play a crucial role in the strengthening Bangladesh’s democracy, and emerge as a facilitator of development rather than a means for extremism.
