The Great Heroin Coup: Drugs, Intelligence & International Fascism

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Chapter ONE BEAU SERGE :THE PRISONER

Beau Serge, alias Christian David, is in jail in Atlanta.  Of nine murders committed within Atlanta's walls over a seventeen‑month period in 1977‑78, at least four were contracts on Mafia connected narcotics dealers, of whom Orsini and Papa were among the elite. Since then the killings have continued, despite federal investigation of the obsolete seventy‑eight year old prison.  To the "honorable men" who drive up in black cars and flash their CIA, FBI, and DEA IDs, prisoner 77,343 remains the subject of intense interrogation, and that is another reason for his constant fear all these years. He knows prison walls won't stop his enemies or, for that matter, his friends ‑in his business there's little difference. Thus each time a guard sends in food Serge sniffs it, pokes at it, tastes it cautiously. That is how it's been for seven years. Only now, in Atlanta, the odds are worse than ever.

US INTEL /Feds  WANT CHRISTIAN DAVID (alias Beau SERGE, age 55 ) DEAD because he knows too much about pan-continental crimes....AKA International Government Mafias.

 He's been a pimp, robber, hired assassin for French intelligence, hatchet man in Algiers torture chambers, arms trader, spy, narcotics trafficker and, true to form, lover of beautiful women. He's one of the few alive who knows the truth about the Ben Barka affair that shook France in 1965;[6] he knows details of the brutal power struggle within French intelligence agency SDECE; of SDECE collaboration with the Corsican Mafia; and of secret CIA operations in Latin America. Ample grounds for anyone's paranoia. But David is cunning and tough, and that is why he's still alive.  See parallels with British/American/German INTEL/Double triple agents and ruthless lethal profiteers in WW2 on this timeline Timeline: Black Forces in the G8-G20 profiteering Plot/Crimes

 Christian David's path to Atlanta prison was along a network of  narcotics laundering routes (he was arrested in Brazil in 1972) .  He was wanted in several countries including France where he joined the mafia, he was convicted of murder and had escaped a death sentence….because the govt needed his muscle to support their dirty tricks campaigns in the shady alliance with the Corsican mafias/and French INTEL.  So David was nervous/desperate when the Americans fetched him from his cell so he maimed himself by swallowing a smashed light bulb.

Neverthless, he was flown to hospital in a millitary US plane and tried in Brooklyn (bail set at $2.5 million which they knew his associates could afford, so they tried him within a fortnight and Beau Serge was sentenced to jail for 20 years for smuggling half a ton of heroin into the US).

In court he demonstrated, convincingly, that he was a French agent working for INTEL (the SAC: Service D'action Civique) and showed his government sponsored red white and blue/tricolor badge.  He was believed when he stated that he was high up in French government circles.  Of his confinement in Brazil, he had this to add: "I was tortured by the Brazilians for thirty days and fed nothing for twenty‑six days. They stole all my money. Today I can't afford a lawyer, I haven't a cent." According to Armand, his compatriot and prison mate for the trial, "When I saw David in the West Street jail, I could hardly recognize him, so terribly had the Brazilians mauled him."

This doesn't quite equate with David's later writing to a Parisian friend of his desire to be transferred back to Brazil. But the ways of Christian David are often inexplicable. And for some the thought of torture is more bearable than that of death.  After his arrival in the U.S., David's attitude often shifted, depending on where he saw the greatest dangers. After his sentence was pronounced, he told FBI detectives: "If I had been extradited to France instead of abducted from Brazil, I would only have gotten three years. They would have forgotten about Galibert" (the police lieutenant he'd murdered in Paris). But he later wrote the writer Daniel Guerin: "If you get me a guarantee I won't be extradited to France, I'll tell you the truth about the Ben Barka affair."

France Soir reported he had shaved his beard, lost weight, complained of heart trouble, and sought admission to Springfield [see footnotes by GL on this chapter Springfield is an iconic place for the World Owners/money lenders and financial racketeers] military hospital. On examination, however, the prison doctor found him in excellent health.  Another year passed and the following item appeared: "David acts deranged ... darts about his cell, knocks his head against the wall, gesticulates weirdly, tears at his hair and screams he's being devoured by rats. . . "

  Anyway BACK to KRUGERS Narative on corrupted governments in the 1960s 

LETS go back to his US stints in Jail in Marion Ill,   and Springfield.   

The French government's two official attempts to have David extradited failed. And the French press has been surprisingly indifferent. One year after David was jailed in the U.S. (at first in the Marion, Illinois pen), France Soir reported he had shaved his beard, lost weight, complained of heart trouble, and sought admission to Springfield military hospital. On examination, however, the prison doctor found him in excellent health.  

Another year passed and the following item appeared: "David acts deranged ... darts about his cell, knocks his head against the wall, gesticulates weirdly, tears at his hair and screams he's being devoured by rats. . . "  Then, in the summer of 1975, the beautiful Simone Delamare, his mistress in Brazil, came to Paris to plead David's cause with the press. In a letter to her dated 29 January 1975, he had written: "I'm doing all I can to avoid extradition to France. All I ask is to be treated like any other inmate. I'm locked in a windowless 2x2 meter cell, never see a ray of sunshine, have no idea of day or night. I hardly sleep anymore because of the evil atmosphere around me. I'm afraid they'll poison my food... The doctor examines me in two minutes. I speak no English and he knows no French. So he can't understand I have heart pains."[12] After a long silence it was finally reported that on 6 December 1979 Ms. Delamare had visited Beau Serge in Atlanta. In a photo she had taken of their reunion, he no longer seemed particularly handsome. The loss of nearly all his hair had been compensated by a full beard. He reportedly wore strong glasses and was in bad health. A cancer specialist was said to visit him regularly.[13]

Despite appearances, few believe that David is truly incapacitated. He will stop at nothing, the authorities suspect. After all, he escaped from prison earlier in his career by playing mad. But would it really be so strange if he were disturbed? Few can take the constant fear of a sudden death, fed by memories of a life such as his.

Christian David fears both his friends from the Mafia and SAC and his enemies from the SDECE and CIA. But some of them are equally afraid of him. Why? This book does not provide the ultimate answer, but it will lift a corner or two of the veil placed over his record.

pps.27-32   

US Gangland MAFIA leader Lucky Luciano was jailed in 1936 and Meyer Lansky wanted him out.  So they liase with US Naval leaders, organised labor (what we would call union leaders) and soon to be prominent US politicians Like Richard Millhouse Nixon.   Naval INTEL "needed  Lucianos long Shore dock workers/unions",  so Lansky became longshore boss on condition Luciano would be released, with no fuss, post-war.  Lansky in liiason with INTEL!!!!! then launches "Operation Underworld".  The deal  ensured Allies soft landing in Sicily and in return, in 1946,  Luciano was rewarded with his freedom.   Mayor Dewey, in the States pardons and deports him after meeting CIA agents and the OSS : The Office of Strategic Services (OSS) was a United States intelligence agency formed during World War II. It was the wartime intelligence agency, and it was a predecessor of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The OSS was formed in order to coordinate espionage activities behind enemy lines for the branches of theUnited States Armed Forces.staffers/agents.  Mobsters Lansky & Frank Costello saw him off and union muscle men kept the curious press away.  Luciani then heads East across the Atlantic to "confront" Social unrest in Europe in 1946.  The focus was France & Italy where communists/anti fascists were "gaining ground" after winning the war against NAZIS in Germany (and covertly throughout the allied and axis leadership/INTEL teams) who were allowed to flee to the New World via Spain and the UK MI6 heartland of the Canary Islands)READ THIS (and the pages in the section) ODESSA and Operation Paperclip: Historical Crimes..  The world laughs at the might of the right wing all the way (the Nazi Pope Pious XII is pictured with a canary on his shoulder throughout the Odessa operation).   

But back to post war Europe.  Bill Donovan OSS war leader would use the mobsters from " over there"  to fight reds using lethal habits learnt & developed in New York and Chicago....the returning troops returned their weapons but the US mafias brought theirs with them which became a precedent for US homeland security for over 70 vicious years.  So the US MAFIA was welcomed into INTEL & Politics in EUROPE, USA (and soon Latin America) to resurrect the pre-meditated cause of FASCIST domination and the genocide of poor hungry loyalists from Vladivostok/Valdividia to Auswitch.   [Footnote 1]  Then an even more sinister event occurs in 1947: the  CIA is established.  They head straight for Marseille, at peak of unrest,  where US INTEL is already planted and the Corsican Mafias run the classiest high purity heroin labs anywhere on the recently brutalised globe.  Lovestone & Brown,   under cover of International  Ladies Garment Workers union were handing out money RIGHT (and centre) to capture the attention of traitors to their recently liberated countries.  In November 1947, just two years after armistice day, when the world wept for joy, first CIA dir Admiral Hillenkoetter sent his Anti-Commie heavily armed team into Paris and Marseille.

OSS, CIA,  USA MAFIA Mobsters cull allied troops in France and Italy for ANTI-COMMUNIST MOVEMENT (AKA FASCISM GLOBAL)

As Kruger puts it Word for word from the Quixotic web site...

"Social unrest was then sweeping Europe, particularly France and Italy, where Communists, respected for their anti‑Fascist resistance during the war, were fast gaining ground. The renowned Wild Bill Donovan, wartime head of the OSS, conceived the idea of using the Mob to battle the "Reds." Though enormously successful, the strategy also resulted, albeit inadvertently, in Mafia inroads in intelligence and politics, both in Europe and the United States.

In 1947 the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) was established, just at the peak of France's political crisis. The center of unrest was Marseille, where U.S. intelligence agents were already on the job. Jay Lovestone and Irving ‑Brown, under cover of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union (ILGWU), had infiltrated French trade unions and were handing out money left and right.[2] In November 1947, the CIA's first director, Admiral Hillenkoetter, sent a team of experienced anti‑Communist agents to Paris and Marseille. It consisted of three OSS veterans and three "representatives" of the American Federation of Labor (AFL). They were told to "do something, anything."[3]

Pitched battles disrupted Paris the day the team arrived. The Communists had called for a struggle against the "parti Americain" and the Ramadier government had been toppled. When the agents hit Marseille, the red flag waved over the Palace of Justice, and the leftists appeared in control of the city. The six agents wired home that the situation was desperate and that drastic measures were needed.

Those measures required gangsters from the Italian and Corsican underworld, hordes of whom were sent into battle. Their methods were brutal, the fight short but bloody. Within weeks the hoods had the situation under control. The CIA had been able to mobilize them so rapidly thanks to an important local ally. In early 1947 General de Gaulle had formed a right wing anti‑Communist front, the Rassemblement du Peuple Francais (RPF), forerunner of the present‑day Gaullist, party (UDR). It soon established a security corps known as the Service d'Ordre du RPF (SO du RPF).

The corps made extensive use of Corsican gangsters against its political enemies. Dominique Ponchardier, its commander, later glorified the escapades of his Gorilles in a series of novels; other ringleaders included Roger Frey, Roger Barberot, Alexandre Sanguinetti, Paul Comiti and Jacques Foccart.[4] The Socialist party also plunged in headlong against the Communists, and worked especially closely with the CIA. Its security corps, the SO de la SFIO, also numbered Corsican hoods in its ranks.

Among the criminals recruited in 1947 by the CIA and SO du RPF were the Guerini brothers, the Francisci clan, Jo Renucci and Jo Attia, pillars of the underworld about whom we'll say more in the chapters that follow.

Unfortunately for the six‑man CIA team, word of their underworld partnership arrived before them in Washington, where they were fired on the Spot.[5] But that did not stop the CIA from maintaining contact with gangsters at home and abroad. On the contrary, the partnership expanded with time".

Pitched battles  break out in Paris  Commies v Partie Americain and toppled Ramadier Govt.   A red flag is flying triumphantly over the Palace of Justice  in Marseille (in accord with france's revolutionary history) when US agents/thugs  got there.  So they pulled  in Kill-for-cash gangsters from Italy & Corsica!  They were sent into battle….which was so brutal bloody that it  was all over within weeks. Hoods in control and repatriated/disarmed loyalist troops and supportive family members (innocent bystanders) dead en masse.  The  CIA was in close liaison with De Gaulle who mobilised the mobsters as right wing anti-communist front RPF http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rally_of_the_French_People (Presided over by the lethal Presidential advisor Jacques FoccartFoccart Obituary: a ruthless life., the butcher of French Colonial Africa/owner of the mysterious SAFIEX company which funded UDR and genocidal French leadership regimes for several decades) forerunner/funder of Gaullist party UDR   Security Corp  SO du RPF.  Ponchardier used mobsters as gorilles and wrote novels about it.  Other leaders were Roger Frey,  Roger Barberot, Alex Sanguinetti, Paul Comiti and dirty wars killer Jacques Foccart .   "Socialists" plunge in against "Communists"! ....nobody from the extreme right gangland uses the label fascist or Nazi  since Hitler gets escorted safely into the Monastery at Montserrat near Barcelona (the codename for Hitlers Nazis in the ODESSA/Op Winnie the Pooh diaspora was RABBITsee 1945-7here  Timeline: Black Forces in the G8-G20 profiteering Plot/Crimes)  and this video.  The music is heavenly but the memories cannot be erased by time.

was made in Barcelona....watch the pianist raise his ears like fingers, look up at the lozenge shape buildings in the Latin sector of town and know that the name of the investigation into JFK's assassination by the NEW WORLD Order is the WARREN (home for rabbits) COMMISSION (and Allan Dulles[1], sacked by JFK less than a year before was on the commission) .  See 1963 on this timelineTimeline: Black Forces in the G8-G20 profiteering Plot/Crimes and understand the selling of Americas central bank to the Rothschilds that year: Signed by LBJ on board AIR FORCE ONE (within hours of Kennedy's do not dare to let Americas Democracy issue its own money shooting for a mass global audience FASCIST Gesture:  JFK was a conciliator he wanted America to be friends with the world).  The joke about his killing by playing the Barren Rocks of Aden at his funeral: the Garden of Eden is actually the Garden of ADEN (Now Yemen)Reading and writing: Just one very profitable book! AMEN.....Which "Left Wing" Harold Wilson was still bombing with troops stationed there to defend BP plants in the early 1960s before the fascists transitioned into Latin America (operation Condor and Pinochet's Caravan of death: covered in the chapters below) but this is too far from Marseille/Barcelona/Corsica to be directly relevant to the MAFIA run cull in the rubble of Europe after WW2 (this saga is continued in the next paragraph) 

Criminal mobsters, the FIVE Guerini brothers, the Francisci Clan, Jo Renucci, Jo Attia become legendary feared underworld bosses in Europe.  Word of team got back to Washington so the nascant CIA  6 leaders are fired  but links between CIA and mob are forged over time as Triple Agents like Kissinger (German born, America's Highest ranking Mossad agent, the worlds biggest killer and NOBEL peace prize winner) begin to alter the balance of power which eventually leads to Americas displacement of the Corsican/French mafias in the COUP refered to in Krugers' title.  The POLITICAL/INTEL/MONEY LENDING/MONARCHY/MEDIA & EVEN RELIGIOUS conspirators are ever so far up the corridors of power.

GL Footnote [1]Regarding the fascist co-operation during the wall: Allan Dulles in the US war office was arranging new contracts/rights of cross-border passage for German war criminals as early as 1943 ,when Hitler waited patiently on the Dunkirk coast for Beaverbrook (Propagandist and Air Force munitions profiteer) and Winston Churchill (head of the Admiralty and munitions/naval manufacturing profits in both wars) to get FDR involved (after Melon's corporate/New deal/citizen's gold sequestration/and the Pearl harbour trigger was pulled by the EMPEROR).  MELON is the codename to penetrate the UNDERWORLD in the Lord of the Rings Trilogy AND its bank in New York sponsors both the elite University Mafias in Oxford and Cambridge boat race teams.....where GOD appears to be watching them closely (see 2014 boat race where only two teams are allowed to compete under the gaze of a duped nation...they both get silver and gold medals annually, and the collapse of mellon's dam in the USA when he was in the Treasury in the USA and the citizens gold was funding the war against the global people). 

Chapter  3:  THE FRENCH MAFIA/NARCOTICS UNDERWORLD

 Two groups evolve: an organised Corsican mafia  and independent non-Corsican gangs. Clans in these networks focus on drugs, sleaze,  prostitution, cigarettes and  inter-family feuds.  Narcotics, mainly heroin, was the driver for both  wealth and power.   The product was the world's most pure, snowy-white Marseille morphine, sold in the US market, as well as  Italian and Cuban wholesale rackets.  In 1971,  Corsica produced circa 80% of all US  heroin and the cash was laundered through banks in the Bahamas, Switzerland and The Lebanon. Some of these cash laundering vents were able to  reinvest in more legitimate International enterprises (most of them run by National Government conspirators).

The Marseilles is a revolutionary anthem but for a very long time Marseille  was the HUB of French narcotics trading.  The likes of Berdin, a sophisticated Parisian drug runner, denounces the rustics that could look after themselves in the Provinces with the muscle of the Corsican/Italian mafias….and the provincial hard man PIMP versus the Political/Presidential entourage "rift" emerges in the French narcotics teams. Despite the divergent lifestyles, the truth is that all the mafias make millions with mansions, yachts and politicians in their thrall.  e.g.  the Guerini clan  of 5 brothers (Shepherds on Corsica before they picked up the guns in 1912…..the guns were not used to secure their country's  freedom in  WW1)   By the 1920s, the Guerinis were top dogs in Narcotics.  Antoine Guerini , for 30 years, was head of Corsican mafia.

 Smuggled opium was sourced from Turkey & other Middle Eastern growers….labs sprouted all over Marseille, some independent of the Guerinis.  Joe Cesari. the self taught chemist legend….who took his own life in 1972 was debilitated by exposure to toxins in the lab and eventually succumbed under the Nixon/Pompidou crackdown (described below).  The Clans support Mayor Gaston Deferre from 1953 -1969 but offshore they befriend the US CIA and the Argentine Anticommunist Alliance ( AAA) WITH WHOM THEY BATTLED COMMUNISTS in 1947 and right through the 60s-70s in Latin America.

Carbone-Spiritos don’t win CIA favour so are eliminated for their well known NAZI (GESTAPO)affiliation in the dirty tricks profiteering war that was  WW2.  Orsini and Auguste Ricord, flee respectively to Canada and S america into new narcotic rings. In France, Joe Renucci takes up no 2 spot in the mob (but he is friends with Lucky Luciano, safely jailed in wartime but made a deal with Lansky and the CIA) to handle the COMMIEs in 47.  As right wing activists SO du RPF (thugs, assassins Corsican  mastermind Marcel Francisci & Dom/Jean Venturi) get involved.  Francisci won medals in De Gaulles' free French dirty war and smuggled silk stockings, cigarettes and narcotics as a commercial spiv/warrior in "peacetime".  Friends with undisclosed drug running ARABS, this lot, like the American mafia thugs, are happy to be Anti-Communist strongmen to cull veterans in France and Italy.  The CIC was De Gaulle (never in the firing line except infilmography out of zionist Hollywood depicting him as an assassins target rather than the quisling profiteering traitor Kruger's book suggests he was).  The team in the provinces/far flung opportunities were much more hands on/musclemen Sanguinetti, Frey, Police Chief Jean Bozzi, AND Achilles Peretti (Soon to be minister for DIRTY COLONIAL Africa affairs)….but most importantly INTEL MAFIA DON Jacques Foccart.  Foccart was the mastermind of dirty tricks NARCOTICS trading, WAR on French Colonial Africa, state sponsored terror and even as an expert consultant in the fascist genocides in South American death camp progroms.  Foccarts company Safiex (which has been completely deleted from  the historical archive & is mentioned only in his obituary, with no details) was the fundraising hub for DeGaulle and his Gaulist political party and swept him back into power in the late 50s.

Ranuci dies in 1958 and the Francisci-Venturi clan take power. Francisci was Paris based (Restuarants casinos & real estate interests) and the Gaulist party funds were boosted from his illicit wealth too  and leave the narcotics production and distribution to Marseille.  In the Mid 1960s the Francisci-Venturi clan go to war on Guerinis.  Hits and counter clashes in the Chicago style with automatic weapons and mobsters sometimes dressed as cops/gendarmes.  By 1970, most of guerini mob were jailed or dead. Francisci (Mr Heroin) becomes a prominent target for US narcotics cops. But he is well connected in political/business Champs Elysees circles: President now Valerie Giscard Destang (not Gaullist).  

Jo Attia is probably the first gangster to become International espionage agent (But this becomes the template for world governance in just a decade or so).  Raised in a convent, Attia has a muscular physique.  By the age of 17 Joe was convicted and sent to penal colony N Africa. In prison he learned to box & kill and returned Marseille.  Attia had "previous" in WW2/French resistance…ie "he only stole from Germans" as Kruger puts it.  But he helped jews escape to Spain.  In 1942, he was arrested by the Gestapo and in Mathausen, Attia greatly impressed the nazi concentration camp officers with his ruthlessness/valour as a prisoner in the death camp. On this basis he became a prisoners spokesman and friend of powerful post war jews.  Post War, De Gaulle, from the armchair in the office, sees the importance of strongmen so  appoints him to the legion of honor.  But Attia was broke and met penal mate Pierre Loutrel "Pierre le Fou" to dream up a source of income. So  Attia joined the Auto Gang murders and bank robberies to earn his bread. Even at the level of the concentration camp, one can see the tiers of networking and nobody can trust anybody with power or a network of INTEL operatives. 

By Sept 1946, 300 cops in armored cars  have Attias gang under seige.  See parallels with jobless working people asking for a 30 hour week so more returning soldiers can find jobs....confronted by tanks and soldiers from a different region of Britain's "democracy" SEE HISTORIC PRECEDENTS English tank commanders confront the suggestion that returning troops can share jobs). In the post Napolenic wars they just beheaded the leaders but Shinwell became a LABOUR MP.) Walter Scott and the freemasons execute the threat of the Scottish working man but Loutrel broke through and got Attia out ( the private/poorly armed foot soldier gets the same fascist deal everywhere he/she goes).  Loutrel allegedly killed himself in an accident when carrying loot from jewellers and Attia mellowed into the steady income from drugs and strongman links with Corsican mafias, especially the Guerinis.  Attia was charged with murdering Loutrel but Colonel Beament ,alias Bertrand of SDECE INTEL  got him released for saving his life in wartime!  In wartime the head of Operation Winnie the Pooh (to release Hitler and his NAZI friends into "neutral" Spain or long-time fascist Latin America) was really difficult to define but the Monarch who made the Kings Speech (who had an IQ of 70, medically an imbecilePersecution in the Royal Bedchamber: How the Rothschilds have taken over the world, was codenamed AA Milne: Churchill was Tiger, and justice/war crimes are safely put away in files run by Ian Fleming, the man from UNCLE Morton, and other British INTEL: soon to be tax exiles and spy novelists 1945-6)Timeline: Black Forces in the G8-G20 profiteering Plot/Crimes.  Anyway back to the late 1940s....when the world was again "at peace" and could focus on profiteering from NARCOTICS on ALL CONTINENTS The iIlegitimate British Monarchy: a constitutional Global Nightmare.   Beamont/Bertrand them sent Attia (a liberated man) to hit Morocan terrorist hideout in French N Africa (for a large fee).  Joe took a crash course as a secret agent and went to work "keeping  Africa French".  In 1956, a delegation were sent to kill Moroccan rebel leader Alal el Fassia but were arrested by Spanish for blowing up  a hotel in Spanish Morocco: Where Alal was holed up.   The Peer/INTEL/Political pressure is immense to get France what France wants so "to ensure extradition to France he confessed to murdering two Frenchmen who had sold weapons to the Algerian revolutionaries of the FLN". The trial in France was a mockery of justice. Before long he was released.   In 1957, while Jo Attia was on an SDECE mission in Tunisia, a member of Defense Minister Chaban Delmas' staff "accidentally" set eyes upon the SDECE gangster roll, and demanded to be told why Attia was working for the agency. Colonel Fourcaud. defended him as a "marvelous personality, an admirable man and one of our best agents."  

 After 1958, Attia worked for Foccart (French minister for African affairs AND fundraiser in Chief for the Gaullist party) and the rest is bloody carnage. With  HQs  in  the Ivory Coast & Paris , (Attia as a Fr-American CIA double agent) assassinations of Black African leaders were planned and "executed" under Foccarts command. The list of the formerly powerful dead include Patrice Lumumba of the Congo.  

In 1960 Attia meets one Christian David in Algeria.  Together they become involved in International INTEL & kidnapping scams including those of Col Antoine Argoud & Mehdi Ben Barka.  After 1962 they were in out prison then banned from France…so armed tours of Congo, Morocco, Ivory Coast ensue but Joe Attia dies in 1972 of throat cancer.  Within hours his properties and his restuarant Gavrouche were raided so that no evidence could be found to smear SEDECE or Fr INTEL, Focarte (see dossiers in his archive to coerce ALL French politicians and their contacts) or the other Presidents men both sides of the Atlantic and South Pacific.

 Chapter 4  THE FRENCH INTELLIGENCE ZOO

 INTEL services in France, back then, were relatively simple with only four subdivisions. The four are: the foreign espionage agency, Service de Documentation Exterieure et de Contre Espionage (SDECE); the domestic security agency, Direction de la Surveillance du Territoire (DST); the police intelligence force, Renseignements Generaux (RG); and the Gaullists' para‑police force,Service d'Action Civique (SAC). In Krugers words: "at various times they work together, independently, and against one another in an atmosphere of scandal and intrigue" (AKA, they are traitors all and will kill their closest Ally for a fast buck, or for fear of the boss, who fears his boss all the way to the Presidential Palace....or in the JUNTAS tank).   

All these agencies are condoned by De Gaulle, who was ever so paranoid since his pre-arranged defection into leafy no bombing zones in EnglandElite Universities: Tragic Roles in GLOBAL CONFLICT.....and his return after the war was SAFELY WON for him. The rules had been written during World War II, when De Gaulle and his followers were located in London's Free French house. De Gaulle saw a double agent in every unannounced Channel crosser and, not infrequently, had that individual executed without regard to the petty details of justice. After the war, anonymous corpses were exhumed from the cellar of the London abode.  The SDECE emerged shortly after World War II. It consisted of seven departments that handled intelligence analysis, Eastern and Western Europe, Africa, the Middle East, the Far East, and America. In addition there is a special action group within the SDECE, the Service d'Action du SDECE. It's not to be confused with SAC, though it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between their operations. The SDECE employs some 2000 men and has a yearly budget fixed at $25 million. Another $50 million can be tapped from a secret reserve.[Hoagland Source 1976 statistic, not adjusted in any way for inflation, Eurozone Ponzi schemes, toxic-sovereign debt, or the new scam of quantitative easing & austerity for the taxpayer] Its headquarters are next to a large bathhouse in the Paris suburb of Les Tourelles. The French call it "the swimming pool."    

 SDECE has many bosses since its inception (under Foccarts fascist heel) but in 1970 Pompidou  took over as president, nervous about the gaulist INTEL army (because Foccart has all his sins and weaknesses, sexual foibles in his archive).  See Larry Summers and the Bush presidency in the USA leading to 9/11.  In Pompidous' France, Monsieur De Marenches was made head of SDECE  to purge the agencies of Gaulists......in short, the secretive traitors begin to betray each other and the USA,  Nixon and Kissinger, see a massive opportunity in GLOBAL narcotics profiteering and geo-political manipulation (which just needs some MAFIA muscle to succeed).  In France at this time, the names heard most often in connection with assassination, kidnaping, and other scandals are: Colonel Rend Bertrand alias Beaumont, Colonel Nicolas Fourcaud, Colonel Marcel Leroy alias Leroy‑Finville, Colonel Paul Ferrer alias Fournier, and Colonel Marcel Mercier, who headed the neo‑Fascist "Red Hand" that was responsible for a string of political murders.

Despite Kissingers shadowy oversight, France is alleged to be below the USA on the issue of "open govt" & Inquests into INTEL crimes/scandal.  Phillipe Thyraud de Vosjoli,  wrote books on these themes. He revealed a Gaullist murder committee comprising De Gaulle's closest political allies and INTELoperatives.  At one point, the hit list included as many as thirty names. They included Guinea's chief‑of‑state Sekou Toure and Tunisia's Habib Bourgiba, both of whom survived. Others did not, though their deaths have been recorded as accidents.  SDECE brought down the plane which took the life of Italian oil magnate Enrico Mattei (Italy's strongman) who was on the verge of a takeover  of French oil interests in ALGERIA.  The sabotage agents codename was "Laurent" and  two pressmen just doing there decent job, close to the case, died in separate "accidents"/disappearances. ......names in the French espionage/dirty tricks archive include George Ball  Moroccan Security chief Mohamed Oufkir , Madame Oufkir, ivory penis, Pornographic photos and secrets about Russian planes crashed across the border, soviet spies in France, France's A bomb testing in the South Pacific/Australasia.

GL aside:

In the light of what we now know about the Rothschild New World Order; the dirty tricks, coercion reports and sexual deviancy/undemining of national sectrets, political integrity and cross border spying that were part of the Gaulist/Foccart toolkit are relatively minor but deaths and assassinations are the only consistent outcomes from all these INTEL forces….

So in the 60s/70s France is declared as an emerging superpower.....which worries Zionist America and MOSSAD.  The US sees a new rival in winning the third world, creating a Gaulist visionary French Commonwealth and Jacques Foccart leads their cause like a dictator and large tracts of Africa succumbs to this very credible threat.   See the news every day in 2014....when both France and America are now waging war on that Continent against islam (ever since the G8 pulled the Zionist terror threat into the totalitarian plan on 9/11 2001).  Behind the credible threat was Foccart and behind Foccart was cross-party INTEL, and the  SAC throughout France and its far flung Colonies.  The RPF was the Gaulist party and SAC its security force.   The men who founded SAC were for the most part those who had also dominated the SO du RPF: Foccart, Frey, Ponchardier, Sanguinetti, Bozzi, Comiti, and Charles Pasqua. Comiti and Charles Lascorz were the first to direct the para‑police force. However, ultimate control always remained in the hands of Foccart.

The official task of SAC was to protect Gaullist politicians in travels (Initially just bodyguards on trips: see cost of HRH and Obama trips to Ireland in the noughties) and at meetings. However, by the end of its first year of existence, 1958, SAC had joined the battle against the Algerian revolutionary movement, FLN, and even then it was studded with gangsters.  When de Gaulle granted Algeria its independence in 1962, the barbouzes turned their wrath against de Gaulle's political enemies. They became the instruments for the dirtiest of Gaullist tricks. Murder, corruption, industrial espionage, election fraud‑SAC agents could do it all. Foccart assigned his best SAC men to key posts on French commissions for developing countries, and in offices charged with the allotment of public funds. He also dispatched them to infiltrate African regimes, where pro‑French governments allegedly paid them enormous kickbacks in return for "economic assistance from Paris" in suitcases.  At its peak, SAC comprised a core of 120 directors in immediate contact with Foccart, plus some 20,000 associates, three‑quarters of whom were estimated to have been criminals, many of them heroin smugglers. French intelligence has frequently been accused of having both organized and profited from the trafficking of heroin. SAC was used at home to instigate and then crush left wing disturbances, such as the time a SAC agent took potshots at a peaceful demonstration in La Mure and struck down a renowned athlete, and tile knifing of a left wing activist by a SAC agent in Drancy.[6] Foccart's SAC agents are especially active at election time. In Socialist and Communist‑dominated areas they've often been caught stealing and burning ballots.

In 1968 the SAC  terrorised the student rebellion.....which was to be put down GLOBALLY by fascist forces and convicted killers who returned home to beat kids on the head and shield the extreme right wing profiteers from justice.The DST handed its SAC colleagues lists of suspected de Gaulle foes in Marseille, Lyons, and Grenoble, as part of a SAC plan to detain political "subversives" in stadiums and camps, similar to what happened in Chile.[7]  

Through the years Jacques Foccart was not only in charge of SAC, but he also had many of his top men assigned to key positions in the SDECE. While many SAC agents were also SDECE agents and vice versa, there were always SDECE men opposed to Foccart (as there are now), and that has long been a source of intrigue. In de Gaulle's time both SAC and the SDECE worked against the CIA, though several French agents played footsy with the Americans. The criminal elements were available to anyone for the right price.....see British student loans crimes 2012-14 and MI5, INTEL and the Rhodes, Trust, BBC, Russell Group University steal from the students scams since 1995 (when tertiary education was free all over Britain).....Student Fees: the frightening truth and the massive protests by students and teachers at quarterly UN Summits in elite resorts all around the globe (University lecturing staff, now on zero hours contracts because the VC gets £250-400 to destroy their country's sovereignty and capability to think for themselves). 

Foccart was 66 when the Kruger book was written: he died at 81 but he had thousands of documents burned when De-Gaulle and Pompidou died He also had coercion files and snuff films of every french politician. So blackmail and coercion is GLOBAl ever since the Rothschild brothers left Frankfurt. BUT In 1974 Giscard d'Estaing replaced Foccart, as his advisor on African affairs, with Foccart's underling, Rene Journiac. Foccart retired after an additional number of years in a similar position with Omar Bongo, the corrupt ruler of Gabon. Nothing much changes, as on 6 February 1980, Journiac perished in a mysterious plane crash in Northern Cameroon.  

 Chapter5: ASSASSIN IN ALGIERS

Ch 6 NIGHTMARE OF THE AGENTS: THE BEN BARKA AFFAIR

The 1965  Mehdi Ben Barka kidnapping has been ranked with JFK murder for intrigue and the subsequent disappearance, murder or ruin of the many involved. Firstly , the Morrocan king Interior Minister and SS chief conspire with SDECE to lure Ben Barka to Paris into INTEL AGENTS hands.  He was Kidnapped on Oct 29 and taken to Fentenay-le -voconte.  Joined by Gen Oufkir, Col Dlimi arrived….Ben Barka was tortured & killed by Oufkir himself and buried by hired crooks....or so the story goes.  De Gaulle blamed  the CIA and French Double agents.  The CIA came out smelling of roses but three attorneys for the Barka family died and two star witnesses disappeared (GL aside : in a typically complex unsolvable  New World Order planned hit).  

NANA is the North American Newspaper Alliance 1965 Launched by Peter Dale Scott….GL typically the namesake of Br Naturalist(affiliated to Prince Philip's WWF founded as a Land Grabbing, National Park, keep Africas wilderness at war plotWWF: The Fall of the House of Windsor, Totallitarian Government and Treason across the G8) of  same Era.  They, NANA, Report the official outcome.

Oufkir and members of his security staff were sentenced, in absentia, to life in prison. Several Frenchmen, among them police and intelligence agents, received‑up to eight years. SDECE chief Paul Jacquier was sacked. Prime Minister Georges Pompidou, Interior Minister Roger Frey, and de Gaulle's son‑in‑law‑, member of Parliament Pierre Lemarchand, were all blasted by de Gaulle.  GL:The French, like the Russians run a constitutional scam where the President and PM share power, in rotation, and shed blame mutually.   Barka has a background as a "socialist mathematician" and instructor to the king.  Barka was banished to desert  with time to study.  The story gets interesting again and the USA pricks up its ears, when in 1965 Barka  organises/plans the first Tricontinental congress  in Havana cuba (yes right in the fiercely contested Narcotics heartland of the American mafias), scheduled for 1966.  Barka was based in Geneva during this period.  GL: Cuba is still thorn in the US (and Riothschild's) side because it retains the right to issue its own funds  but America still dreams of liberation (on the Rothschild's behalf, and under their orders, from the World Monetary Institutions which they entirely own...with the majority of Federal Banks Globally)!

 The CIA try and interfere  and the Moroccan king pardons Barka.  Oufkir was in league with CIA  and this led to a catastrophic coup attempt 7 yrs later. De Gaulle melodramatically  declares  he cynically supports the emerging nations to spite the US and the threat  of Imperialism (as a fully fledged head of state within the five European Nations which became Empire builders).  All of this to undermine the US in Afrique and oufkir who aided OAS rebels in Algeria.  Meanwhile, THE REAL French Commander in Chief is hard at work in the INTEL/fundraising backroom. As usual, one can't help suspecting de Gaulle's grey eminence, Jacques Foccart [de Gaulle's top intelligence adviser], who was going his own way, at the time, in Latin America. However, Foccart had just seen his African policies backfire, and would likely hesitate before risking another major blunder. Moreover, until then Foccart had been secretly supplying Ben Barka with money and arms.  

Barka, in Geneva, has French and Moroccan INTEL all over him.  LIKE Krugers banned book, to buy this knowledge is expensive  (ONE ASSUMES it is truthful, unlike the Rothschild owned media,  but like all the books burned throughout world history)  Historical Dictionary of Middle Eastern Intelligence.  Oufkir also opts for "MOSSAD help" (a bizarre sado-masochistic potentially fatal concept) to make his dirty tricks campaign even more deceptive.  Morocco and Israel are on excellent terms, allegedly.  So MOSSAD were now all over BARKA in Geneva untill they find out they are one of, at least three INTEL agencies on the job.  The French romanticists wanted to make an anti-imperialist film and fancied BARKA in the lead role (GL:which make the whole story look more and more like a BLACK FLAG diversionary event for events ocurring elsewhere in the world of greater importance).  The Kruger saga reveals tier after tier of intrigue espionage and gangsterism but looks, in retrospect,  like puppetry/sophistry from the Rothschild/Foccart command centres.  

Jo Attia appears on the scene,  cited as a faithful asset to Moroccan General Oufkir his gangland boss!!!!!  Marcel Leroy is sprung from jail  by the CIA  FOR REVEALING  soviet rocket bases on Cuba (GL: the central banking/Narcotics mafia crusade rears its head again).   Fernand Legros, playboy millionaire, art dealer,  CIA agent and Pompidou courtier and double-agent in Christian Davids thrall joins these circles.  The complexity of the situation is difficult to decipher as David, alias Beau Serge,  is associated with CIA AND France's SDECE but loyal to the yanks allegedly but, most threateningly, is declared to be  a FRIEND of Henry KISSINGER the secretary of state in America and its highest ranking MOSSAD agent.

Legros was the man the CIA assigned to snoop on UN secretary general Dag Hammarskjold. Legros helped the CIA kidnap the African leader Moise Tshombe. And in 1965 Legros was in personal contact with Ben Barka in Geneva, where Legros maintained a residence and a large art gallery.  More and more complex intrigue is revealed by Kruger in Chapter 6.  But  no hard facts can be taken home and lots of plotters/INTEL Double Agents are moving around, like missing planes in the south pacific in the 2014 news bulletins, as these National secrets and shameful policies begin to get covered up AGAIN along with the European/British monarchy fraud..Persecution in the Royal Bedchamber: How the Rothschilds have taken over the world.  Even evidence from eye witness Figon (paid criminal) is unreliable and inconsistent: he says he saw Oufkir torture/murder Ben Barka….story released in a magazine L'express which later disavowed it.  So French law enforcement/inquests are just as unreliable as all the other g8/g20 countries and remember Barka was based in Geneva where Banking secrecy and political/economic neutrality is an absolute pre-requisite for these teams to thrive in peacetimeEuropean Union: how to steal from GLOBAL citizens in "Peacetime" and in warGlobal Economic Carnage, War profiteering (and the lethality/greed of secret societies like FREEMASONRY).

 Back to Barkas killing: Eleven days passed before rumors of Ben Barka's disappearance began to leak out. He could have been kidnaped or murdered any time within those eleven days, and by any of the parties involved. Among them, however, Oufkir and the CIA had by far the strongest motives.

KRUGER:It's my firm belief that the CIA was behind the whole affair, that Oufkir and possibly some of his men were CIA tools, and that the French, with stunning naivete, allowed themselves to be duped into the CIA's ingenious scheme ... all of which, of course, could only happen because a number of French agents were working with the CIA. Whether Oufkir, a gangster, or a CIA agent killed Ben Barka is secondary. What's important is that the agency was behind it. In order to back up this claim it's essential to focus on the period immediately following the murder. All the participants were busy covering their tracks. Only the CIA succeeded, because the agency had made exclusive use of Moroccans and Frenchmen. The French, on the other hand, appear to have been caught with their pants down. De Gaulle was fuming. "Somebody's taken me for a complete idiot," he raged, vowing to get to the bottom of the affair. He was convinced the CIA was involved, but could not touch them. All he could do was crack down on Frenchmen he suspected were CIA lackeys. Collaboration with the CIA went beyond certain French intelligence units to the highest government circles‑the men closest to de Gaulle. That is precisely what the president suspected, and why he felt so powerless.

If one believes Leroy when he says his orders to cooperate with Antoine Lopez on the Ben Barka affair came directly from "a certain Monsieur Legros" in a Matignon office, then one can't help but trace CIA tracks directly to Prime Minister Pompidou. The connection becomes crystal clear in light of the clash between de Gaulle and Pompidou that grew to implacable hate in de Gaulle's last years ‑and in light of Pompidou's later cooperation with the Americans ‑especially in the area of narcotics. GL:The light exposes the opportunity of a Nixon/Kissinger led COUP on the warring egotistical French presidents.....that was to extend into war in the Golden Triangle for US homeland security and ownership of the Narcotics rings.

With the crime still unsolved, Figon the eye witness got the bung, a new fake passport and then bullet in the head cos he knew to much.   Figan died, surrounded by police/gendarmes who proclaimed it as suicide with minimal fuss or objectivity.

GL aside like Gareth Williams 60 years later as he attempted to blow the whistle on G8 leaders and Israel/Mossad/Monarchs.  The Williams case hinges on the 9/11 hit to allow the NWO to storm into Iraq then Afgahnistan (in pursuit of Oil, WMDs that they had sold to Sadam) and the Billion dollar opium stache in the region....so by 2014 we have corrupted the world so badly that NATO polices the Narcotics supply and laundering sectors and  have partially displaced the Anglo-Franco-American Freemasonic police forces that became hollywood legends in crime syndicates.

 After 7 uneventful years, Christian David was arrested in Sth America where, under torture, he confesses to the killing and claims he got  15 million french Francs  from General oufkir…..in the Kruger saga all the other numbers are masonic.  The confession of Beau Serge is nothing short of fantastic. It reveals how intelligence agents operate, especially under duress. Those few lines contain a gross lie, an important message, and a warning. And I would even insist that the confession was composed in detail by the CIA. It's puzzling how the French and American press could have swallowed it whole. GL: JUST LIKE THE JFK crime scene and the signing of executive order 1111 signed by LBJ hours later on Air Force 1: (the federal Bank secured again by the Rothschilds with no blood on their hands or their Bowler hats).

 Now , Kruger gives us a glimpse of right wing Latin America where the CIA are in total control of Brazilian security and conduct the David interrogation.....GL using techniques developed at McGill University in Canada/Guantanamo Cuba  involving ECT, sensory deprivation, genital electroshocks and naked beatings/exposure to rabid dogs.    Legros (kissinger's friend)is spending considerable time in Brazil around the time of Christian David's arrest.  The interrogation deploys similar methods to those used in the Villa A  Andrea and the French INTEL thugs.

 BUT THIS IS HOW the chapter ends (it is chilling but this why  Christian David the pimp and assassin was perfect to supress the student riots in 1968).  

 Kruger summing up chapter 7:

"And I believe Christian David helped knock off Georges Figon. Otherwise the CIA's warning to Monsieur X would be meaningless. And otherwise David would not have acted the way he did on 2 February 1966 ‑fourteen days after Figon's "suicide." On that day, the head of the police department's antigangster squad, Lieutenant Maurice Galibert, received a tip that a man implicated in the Ben Barka case could be found at the Saint Clair restaurant.

Galibert dashed off with officers Gouzier and Gibeaux. Upon arrival at the Saint Clair, they spotted Christian David playing cards with Belkacem Mechere, the deputy prefect of the interior ministry police.[26] When Galibert asked David to come downtown, Mechere protested. David flashed his SAC ID, but Galibert stood his ground. David shrugged his shoulders and fetched his coat from the checkroom.

Suddenly he stuck his hand in his coat pocket, drew a pistol and shot all three policemen. Galibert died on the spot. The other two were badly wounded.

And Beau Serge got away.......to keep the students off the streets of Europe for fascism.

 Chapter 7  BEAU SERGE, SCOURGE OF THE PARTISANS

The murder of police lieutenant Galibert caused a major sensation in France. Despite what seemed to be an all‑out manhunt, the wily Christian David, aided by friends, eluded Galibert's colleagues in the antigangster squad. In the Fetich Club of Neuville‑Sur‑Ain, outside Lyons, Beau Serge bided his time. A big‑time bordello and haunt of the Guerini clan, the Club was a frequent rendezvous of David's friends in SAC.  The Mafia want to help Beau serge/Christian David  to flee France.  In 1966  Christian David leaves for America from GENOA (GL: Christopher Columbus' port, from where he sailed to discover the Americas: discovered already by the Vikings and Scandinavians.  Genoa was also the venue for the last Summit for the G8 before they blew up the twin towers so Bush and Blair could storm into IRAQ then AFGAHNISTAN for central banks and narcotics wealth......almost poetic for its negative impact on the chaotic, bankrupted, globalised world).   

Beau Serge, though,  leaves from Marseille (with a letter/reference from Auguste Ricord to get him into heroin MAFIA RINGS) for the USA , via Argentina  and Paraguay. He soon stepped up Ricord's power ladder.  SDECE and SAC welcome him to new continent too! His reputation having preceded him in Latin America, David was welcomed into the Ricord organization with open arms and soon moved into its highest ranks. Also part of Beau Serge's reception committee were agents of the SDECE and SAC. His arrival coincided with a powerful French diplomatic offensive in Latin America. With the U.S. wading into a quagmire in Indochina and otherwise preoccupied with the Soviet Union, de Gaulle, and more so Jacques Foccart, sought to entrench themselves as deeply in Latin America as they had in Africa.  DeGaulle planned to come on like a great white father  as friend of the 3rd world.  Colonel Roger Barberot was by now French Ambassador  to Uruguay & Dom Ponchardier its Ambasador in Bolivia (GL: where Pinochet  trained in JUNTA brutality just a few years earlier: his return to Chile was co-incident with the worlds biggest ever earthquake in Valdavidia in the early 60s).

The French thugs, and Foccart's wits/dirty wars strategic thinking, helped millitary dictators break the back of left wing insurgents, AKA the unarmed poor hungry eaters (that were labelled communists or thinkers as they were lined up for slaughter).  So Christian David was needed to supress the innocents.  Chiappe (big lips) already in Argentina welcomes David/Beau Serge to the local MAFIA families.  The Ricord network was divided into four teams that operated independently out of separate headquarters. Ricord himself ran the main team from Asuncion, Paraguay, and oversaw the entire operation. Chiappe and Michel Nicoli led another team, Dominique Orsini and Louis Bonsignour a third, and Andre Condemine and Lucien Sarti a fourth.[6] Other important names in the organization were Claude‑Andre Pastou, Didier Barone and Michel "Bouboule" Sans. It was "Murder Incorporated" in French. Nearly all had been sentenced to death in France.The Ricord network operated freely south of the border because its members helped repressive regimes fight the left and smuggle arms, sometimes combining the two profitably. While he was helping intelligence groups infiltrate guerilla movements, Christian David found new customers for his weapons. The major arms deals, though, were with militant fascist groups in Argentina and Chile.

Through connections, Chiappe secured David an Argentine passport in the name of Carlos Eduardo Devreux‑Bergeret. Beau Serge then went on secret missions for French intelligence. His first assignment to infiltrate Douglas Bravo's Venezuelan urban revolutionaries, led nowhere. In early 1967 Bravo was expelled from the Venezuelan Communist party and police smashed his organization. Once relocated in the hills, Bravo was wary of spies.  Following the false start in Venezuela, Beau Serge flew to Mexico and met with two African agents. They handed him a contract to eliminate African politicians. It's not clear whom he was to murder and whether or not he succeeded, but he was in Africa several months, and murder was a task he rarely muddled.[10] Upon returning to Latin America he joined Ricord in Ascuncion before planting himself in Argentina. In late 1967 David — alias Eduardo Devreux‑Bergeret — managed to infiltrate the Forcas Argentines de Liberacion (FAL), one of the most active guerilla groups in stormy Argentina from 1967 to 1971. Among other actions, it kidnapped Auguste Ricord's close friend and Paraguay's consul in Argentina, Waldemar Sanchez. Relying on his experience with the instruments of death, David soon became the FAL's arms instructor and ingratiated himself with its members. In the end he made off with its files and a stolen cashbox containing $250,000.[11] While fleeing he allegedly slew an FAL leader and a lookout.[12] He headed with his prize to Central America. Eventually the SDECE made a deal for the papers with the Argentine government, which led to the arrest of several guerillas and the death by torture of one.[13]

Soon thereafter David went to Uruguay, where the French ambassador was Roger Barberot—the same Barberot who four years later would be associated with the French Connection heroin affair that also involved Beau Serge.[14] In May 1968 Barberot and Dominique Ponchardier were unexpectedly rushed home to Paris to help quell French student unrest, forcing Foccart to put his plans for Latin America on hold. [15]  After 1968 Beau Serge was more or less a free‑lance agent. While remaining in close touch with the Foccart network, he also took on assignments for security police and political death squads in Argentina, Uruguay and Brazil, and thereby, inevitably, for the CIA. In Montevideo he reconnected with his mistress Theresa, who just happened to be a member of the Tupamaros. Through her Beau Serge infiltrated Latin America's best‑organized band of guerillas.

Uruguay's President Pacheco Areco had already begun a determined struggle against the revolutionaries. Assisting his police and armed forces was a squad of CIA agents expert at torture and antiguerilla warfare. Two of those agents, Dan A. Mitrione and Claude L. Fry, were captured by the revolutionaries. Mitrione was given the death penalty by a people's court, while Fry suffered a heart attack and was released.[16]  Beau Serge appears at first glance to have done more for President Areco than the entire conventional CIA team. But on this job he probably collaborated with U.S. intelligence. Also assisting him was Jacques Foccart's full‑time man in Uruguay in Roger Barberot's absence, Jean‑Baptiste Listroni, who became David's go‑between with the Uruguayan government.[17] David must have been quite an actor, since he even fooled the legendary Tapamaros leader Raul Sendic. After robbing a bank, the guerillas handed Beau Serge $400,000 for the purchase of weapons. He then flew off, as if to complete the deal, to Foccart's personal fiefdom and beehive of the weapons trade, the African nation of Gabon. [18] While he was away, however, the guerillas somehow learned, not of his escapades in Argentina, but of his role in the Ben Barka affair. They decided to set a trap for him. But once back in Uruguay, Beau Serge smelled trouble and rushed to the security police, who soon arrested 150 guerillas in the strongest blow they'd dealt the revolutionaries. It was a handsome feather in the cap of President Pacheco Areco.

For his troubles David was reportedly given $200,000 in addition to the $400,000 of which he had relieved the partisans, plus a Uruguayan diplomatic passport in the name of Edouard Davrieux.[19] The passport made David the heir‑apparent of Auguste Ricord. With it he travelled freely to the U. S. and Europe, controlling and expanding the international narcotics network.  There's also a somewhat unbelievable story about David's departure from Uruguay. In the transit hall of Montevideo airport, a stewardess reportedly brought him a package. Suspecting a bomb, Beau Serge had the stewardess open it herself. She screamed when she did. Inside was the head of Theresa, a goodbye gift from the Tapamaros.[20]  President Pacheco Areco's glee was short‑lived. Within two years nearly all the guerilla's David had sent to prison would escape. In March 1971, thirty‑eight Tupamaros women fled through a tunnel from a Montevideo jail. The president fumed. As to the police, they were sure the men locked up in Punta Carretas had similar plans. Within weeks they felt vindicated. At a river sewage outlet they discovered a package containing frogmen gear and a plan of the Montevideo sewer system. An escape by the Tapamaros had apparently been foiled. Jokingly, the warden told the press that the Tupamaros' map of the sewers was superior to the city's. Using it, the police had discovered electric drills and other tools meant for the escape.  The authorities took no chances. They reinforced surveillance of Punta Carretas with tanks and police dogs, as President Areco looked towards the approaching October election. If Sendic and his guerillas slipped away, he'd be finished.  At 4:10 AM on 6 September 1971, Billy Rial, a prison neighbor, phoned the prison to announce that a group of inmates had just run through his house.  "Yeah, tell us another one," was the answer. "Nobody runs off from our prison." But Rial insisted and the watchman decided to check out the guard room. "Everything quiet," was the response.[21]  The watchman told Rial off for trying to make fools of the authorities. One hour later, though, his tune changed. An entire prison wing had been emptied of inmates, Raul Sendic included.[22] The police dashed off to Rial's house. There they found 106 prison uniforms in a 6x3 feet heap. A 2‑foot wide, 100‑yard long tunnel ran from the basement of Rial's home, below the garden, the street, the prison walls and yard, to the building which had housed the fugitives. Their escape had taken nine hours.

According to Rial, his house had been overrun by partisans who held his family hostage. Equipped with walkie‑talkies, they were in radio contact with those still within prison walls.[23]

"They treated us well," said Rial, "but wouldn't even have a cup of coffee."As the prisoners gradually appeared, they had exchanged their uniforms for civvies. When all were present, they embarked peacefully in stolen busses. The authorities were helpless laughing‑stocks and, to top it all, Areco lost the presidency to the equally incompetent Juan Maria Bordaberry.[24]  By then Beau Serge was long gone

Chapter 8 WITH "'THE OLD MAN" IN PARAGUAY

The team was formidable and greatly feared on all continents.  By 1970 the Mob's leaders were Ricord, sentenced to death in absentia for treason, torture and murder; Lucien Sarti, wanted for the murder of a Belgian policeman; Christian David, sentenced to death in absentia; Andre Condemine, wanted for the murder of a policeman; Jean Lunardi, wanted for murder; Francois Chiappe, wanted for two murders; and French gangster and former SAC agent, Michel Nicoli. They also had a network of henchmen encompassing nearly every metropolis in Latin America.

The money poured in and old-man Ricord drank heavily and was replaced by the younger mafia leaders.  The heroin came from Marseille to Paraguay from either Barcelona, Lisbon or Brussels.  It was then transported by air and by sea  via Brazil then into Paraguay or directly into US markets.  The planes which took it north were Mau maus (Russian Roulette joke in the film the deer hunter) Paraguay had 200 private air strips! Many in remote locations, impossible to police.  The South American officials were bought.  Highest‑ranking officers included: Pastor Coronel, the intelligence chief; General Andres Rodriguez, leader of an elite 3000‑man force especially trained by the Americans; and General Vincente Quinonez, the Air Force chief‑of‑staff, who was responsible for Asuncion airport and other landing fields.[3] Soldiers from an elite corps, according to Anderson, were stationed to guard the contraband stores for Ricord and other big‑time smugglers. Worse still, in the wake of Anderson's sensational revelations came rumors that Paraguayan Air Force officers had even flown Ricord's heroin to the, United States in military aircraft.

 Unlike Ricord, Christian David didn't simply rake in the money. He thrived on danger. According to U.S. narks, in at least three instances Beau Serge himself transported large quantities of heroin into the United States, using the pseudonym "Jean‑Pierre," by which he was known exclusively among friends in the Ricord Mob. David also maintained the organization's good relations with police and spooks in Latin America. He took on assignments for Argentina's terrorist organization, the Argentine Anticommunist Alliance (AAA), and probably did the same for Brazil's notorious Death Squad. Grupo Frances, as Ricord's network was known in Latin America, had found a prize in Christian David because of his connections to SAC and French intelligence. Through him there grew new branches in the narcotics network, including one centered about the Felix Lesca gang and the Lyons SAC chief Jean Auge, and another about Jo Attia's gang, SAC leader Ange Simonpieri, and the Swiss banker Andre Hirsch.

 The Great Heroin Coup - Chapters 9, 10, 11 and 12  unabridged account from Linda Minors Quixotic site if you click on this hyperlink.

So there it was, according to E. Howard Hunt. LBJ had Kennedy killed. It had long been speculated upon. But now E. Howard Hunt (also exposed in the opium coup) was saying that's the way it was. And that Lee Harvey Oswald wasn't the only shooter in Dallas. There was also, on the grassy knoll, a French gunman, presumably the Corsican Mafia assassin Lucien Sarti, who has figured prominently in other assassination theories. Read more: http://chomsky-must-read.blogspot.co.uk/2008/08/french-gunman-grassy-knoll-lucien-sarti.html#ixzz2yc1JOVCw .  I have corresponded with Chomsky and he has acknowledged that some of his sites are run by administrators (certainly his facebook pages...which get millions of intellectual visitors).  Chomsky has claimed that every American President has been a war criminalNuremberg criminals but he has not, to my knowledge denounced or defamed the Rothschild world owners for paying them to act out their profiteering policies and his writing IS NOT BANNED in the USA like Kruger's BOOK.....so lets expose more of the Danish historian's frightening story and be aware that if INTEL is involved even the assassination of a President is an official secret which may be grossly embarrassing for world leaders if solved.

Iron collar around Marseille

Chapter 14 HEROIN IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

C. V. Starr

Just as WW2 is ending Howard Hunt (Watergate burglary conspirator & Spy Novelist, like Ian Fleming the tax exile and war profiteer/criminal) meets French Foreign Legionaire OSS double agent Captain Lucein Conein in Kumming (i Sth Chinese Province of Yunnan.  Gold was the collateral currency for global trading and much of it stolen from these regions into Swiss/American hordes...by means of the 14th Air Force.  But the the CIA was already planted behind enemy lines in this region since 1942 in the form of Bill Donovan, Burmese Detachment 101. In the town of Kachin (g) anti-japanese native Chinese troops join allied/US cause (Kaching: a money in the till profiteering joke). Both Conein and Hunt join CIA post war N7S Vietnam, Cambodia & Burma (the Golden Triangle) .  Close liaison formed with Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge's dirty tricks warriors in ousting   S Vietnam's President Ngo Dinh Diem (both he and his brother assassinated)  and courting CORSICAN drug mafias.  Conein and William Colby run CIA phoenix assassination programme in the region before recall to US in 1970s.  After Mao Tse-Tungs rise to power  in China , OSS ' CV Starr (and his attorney Tommy the Cork Corcorran) gained control of insurance  companies including US Life.  Corcoran's other clients include the United Fruit Company Chiang Kei Shek's (see WW2 summits which he attended) brother TV Soong and the Tawanese Airline Civil Air Transport (CAT). Soon United Fruit, Hunt and the CIA plot to overthrow Guatemala President Jacob Arbenz in 1954.  Another OSS agent Willis Bird Bankok/Thai settler runs opium smuggling ops using Chinese troops in occupied Burma.  CAT is invaluable for illicit airdrops.  Thailands corrupted police chief Phao Srivanonda Paramill uses his troops to protect agents in KMT opium ring.  SOS INTEL man 

Paul Helliwell sets up the American Bankers INSURANCE Company of Florida (offices in Miami but incorporated in the State of NEVADA).  Lansky, Starrr & Helliwell then forge a banking link to Geneva Switzerland and plant Lou Poller as an overlapping director on the board of the Swiss bank and James L King's Miami National Bank.  Lansky's syndicate launders $millions through these secret/neutral to criminals links. All through 50s & 60s Thai/Chinese capital drifts into LANSKY's Empire of crime in Florida (MIAMI the epicentre for Narcotics/Vice/Gambling crime).  Double-Check became a CIA front supplying planes for Bay of Pigs incident. Corcoran became escort for widow Anna Chen Chennault : key to cheap SE Asia opium off the hillsides.  William Pawley founds flying tigers....close to Taiwan who controlled opium growing across the golden triangle & with the CIA owned the CAT airline. Brit Frank Robinson...understood  the chemistry/quality supply chain  issues:

Chapter 15  THE CUBANS OF FLORIDA

The Great Heroin Coup - Chapter 15  

Santo Trafficante and his all American (Anti-Communist) mob declares that if the Corsican MAFIAS were to be neutralised that it needed to be totally effective. This was a job for Nixon, his whitehouse staff, the BNDD/The White House Death Squad and the Central Intelligence Agency (the CIA).  Meyer Lansky Syndicate chair since 1947 builds Cuban mafia empire in league with Nixon's mate Dictator Batista & Lucky Luciano...even mafia Dons are nervous. 1950: Casinos in Florida shut down  so Batista kick starts MOB again on Cuba.  Top Grade Heroin floods in from the peerless Marseille labs to New York via (the teamster union connections) via Florida/Cuba.  Albert Anastacia of MURDER INC tried to align with Trafficante and bypass Lanskyn (in Havanna mob) but murdered in a barbers chair within 1 hour of meeting Santo T. 1959 Castro takes over and within a year had expelled the mob and closed the casinos....GL aside CUBA was one of only half a dozen countries to retain control of its Central Bank in 2001 when the twin towers fell (to justify the war in Iraq then Afgahnistan where the banks were still owned by the local leadership teams).  Drug magnates and  500,000 Cubans flee to Florida, New York, New Jersey, Spain & Latin America.  These regions then become a syndicate Goldmine for Trafficante and La Bolita. 1960: The CIA, Maheu, Roseli and Giancana attempt to take Castro's life with the help of the double- agent (Frank Angelo Fiorini) who armed Cuba's revolutionaries. 1961 this team try to poison castrom in the Fontainebleu Hotel Miami.  Frank Bender (Gehlen Nazi) & Howard Hunt (of watergate diversionary team fame) are full & active members of the Presidents' assassination men.  Ambassador Pawley a South East Asia Genocide veteran (owner of Sugar refinery and bus company empire) plots with President Eisenhower to take Cuba from Castro and give its capacity to issue its money to the Rothschild cabal of Global Financial Institutions.  When Watergate happens at least 2 of the break in team were bay of pigs conspirators and inthe JFK election had tried to smear him with their crimes. 1960: Frank Fiorino (alias Sturgis) is in charge of Miami based International Anti-Communist Brigade (financed by THE SYNDICATE and triple agent in Berlin in the Fifties WW2 loot laundering teams.  GL ASIDE see Allan Dulles.....Russian death camp genocides, Dresden cull on the refugees, Italian resistance massacres under fascist transitional teams and new contracts for capable/corporate/elite/ruthless Nazi war criminals in the New World.  CIA assassination bureau run by William Harvey.   

Fontainebleu in 1961

• The Great Heroin Coup - Chapter 16  Takes us out of the narcotics crime scenes and the Vietnam/Korean campaigns led by LBJ and Nixon (associated with the SYNDICATE,since circa 1943-46) and French millitias in Indo-China. Nixon drawn to Gambling and Vice in Howard Hughes' Casino in Las Vegas and meets Dictators like Batista in palaces and casinos in Cuba. Nixon forgives jailed union leaders (HOFFA) for blowing union pension funds to mafia/real estate land grabs interests led by Lansky (retired to Israel for his own safety) and untouchable mafia Dons/thugs like Trafficante.    Greatly feared friends of Nixon include Smathers, Rebozo, gangster Mickey Cohen, the Merricks, Howard Hunt (of Watergate/Bay of Pigs fame), Casino Boss Tatem "Chubby" Wofford in the fishing club run by the Florida Clique, Hotel magnates like the Danners (who are in the FBI on the side & full members of the Georgetown University mafia), conspirators in the Sigma Alpha Epsilon House at Gainsville, and, of course, the Abdicated King of England and Mrs Simpson (safely through the war in romantic Paris)....warm friends in global theft/genocidal circles Persecution in the Royal Bedchamber: How the Rothschilds have taken over the world. 

• How Opium Merchants Used Bankers, and Vice Versa  

American merchants influenced the increase in opium importations of the 1830's. The great opium merchants, Jardine, Matheson and Company, sent out a circular in 1831 announcing, "It is generally in our power to remit funds to England on more advantageous terms than can be effected in Bombay."  Thus, an American merchant would take out a bill on a London bank permitting him to draw, say 20,000 pounds sterling, payable six months from sight. He would sell the bill to smugglers at Canton (e.g., Jardine, Matheson) for the silver which the latter had acquired from their opium sales. Of course, the bill trade was good for everyone. It freed the Americans from the onerous necessity of a long cruising voyage to amass sufficient specie to finance a China cargo; it released the opium smuggler from burdensome problems of exporting large quantities of valuable metal; and it gave Indian nabobs a convenient method of sending home their fortunes. Since India suffered from a chronically unfavorable balance of trade with England, the American bill trade proved a real boon. Moreover, the bills paid interest. Briefly, opium was balancing East-West trade through the American commerce in London bills. Thereafter, the opium trade could not be extirpated without seriously damaging world commerce. In fact, there is reason to believe that the bill trade actually stimulated Indian opium exports.  "Bombay merchants annually sent vast amounts, usually in the shape of Malwa opium to Canton for the sake of a favorable remittance to England."[fn]
In this fashion, even the most bitterly anti-opium merchants unwittingly contributed to the growth of the commerce they so strongly detested.

[fn] Michael Greenberg, British Trade and Opening of China, (Cambridge, 1951),164. See also Joseph Archer to G. and S. Higginson, October 21, 1833, Joseph Archer Letterbook, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.  

• The Great Heroin Coup - Chapters 6, 7 and 8
• The Great Heroin Coup - Chapters 2, 3, 4 and 5
• The Great Heroin Coup - Foreword and Chapter One

Thursday, December 5, 2013

The Great Heroin Coup - Foreword and Chapter One

Selected Excerpts from

THE GREAT HEROIN COUP - DRUGS, INTELLIGENCE AND INTERNATIONAL FASCISM

By Henrik Kruger; Jerry Meldon, Translator

South End Press©1980: Box 68 Astor Station, Boston, MA 02123

ISBN 0-89608-0319-5

240pps - one edition - out-of-print; Orginally published in Danish

Smukke Serge og Heroien; Bogan 1976

To heroin's victims in the United States and Europe,

And to all veterans of the War in Vietnam,

Especially those who returned strung out,

And those who did not return at all...

To victims of torture and repression in Latin America and elsewhere,

And to those who owe the monkey on their back,

And the scars on mind and body

To agents of the CIA and DEA.

FOREWORD

The story of Christian David, an international narcotics trafficker used by the Intelligence services of at least three nations, is fascinating in itself. It is even more important for what it tells us of a larger, less documented history-‑the secret collaboration of government intelligence services and parallel police throughout the world, and their use of criminals, particularly from drug networks, for political counter-subversion. Above all it is an important book for Americans to read, since the shadow of the CIA can be seen behind Christian David's political intrigues in countries like France and Uruguay. America's role in Christian David's strange career has never before, to my knowledge, been revealed in this country. And Henrik Kruger is able to expand the story into larger perspectives on the CIA, Watergate, and current U.S. counterinsurgency tactics.

'Mr. Big' Extradited to U.S. in Sept. 1972

The heavy censorship of David's story in the United States, or what may be called the media resistance to it, is perhaps the clearest symptom of America's involvement. For example, it was surely newsworthy that in June 1973 Le Monde, France's most respected newspaper, charged that the break‑up of the Ricord French drug network in Latin America (which had included David's arrest and extradition to the United States), was the result of a "close Mafia‑police‑Narcotics Bureau collaboration" in the U.S. The result of this collaboration, according to Le Monde, was to shatter Corsican influence in the worldwide narcotics traffic, and create a virtual monopoly for the U.S.‑Italian Mafia connection (whose key figures were Santo Trafficante in America and Luciano Liggio in Europe).[1]

Le Monde's charges, many details of which have since been corroborated, were passed over in silence by the U.S. press. This studied disinterest in the politics of narcotics (other than the propaganda, including flagrant lies, from official press releases) is a recurring, predictable phenomenon of our press; and it has visibly had a deleterious impact on U.S. politics. If the Washington Post and the New York Times, then supposed exposers of Watergate, had picked up on stories like the one in Le Monde, then the history of Watergate might have been altered. 

For the history of Nixon's involvement in Watergate is intertwined with that of his personal involvement in drug enforcement. Nixon's public declaration in June 1971 of his war on heroin promptly led to his assemblage of White House Plumbers, Cubans, and even "hit squads" with the avowed purpose of combatting the international narcotics traffic. (Among those with a White House narcotics mission, or cover, were Krogh, Liddy, Hunt, Caulfield, Sturgis, and Bernard Barker.)[2]

Auguste J. Ricord

Many writers have since suggested that Nixon's war on heroin was part of his "grand design" to develop a new drug super-agency, under direct White House control, into "the strong investigative arm for domestic surveillance that President Nixon had long quested after."[3] Yet the establishment press failed to look critically at Nixon's war on heroin. Instead it blandly reported Nixon's decision in June 1971 to provide $100 million in aid to end opium production in Turkey, a country which (according to CIA estimates) produced only 3 to 8 percent of the illicit opium available throughout the world.[4]

7 July 1971 MEMORANDUM FOR CIA Heroin Coordinator

At the time perhaps 80 percent of the world's illicit opium was grown, much of it by CIA‑supported tribesmen, in the "golden triangle" of Laos, Burma, and Thailand, while the Shah of Iran, who became one of Nixon's closest foreign allies, had just announced resumption of Iranian opium production of over 20,000 hectares (an area 50 percent greater than the total cultivation in Turkey). As the New Republic noted only one month later, Nixon's decision to shut down the supply of Turkish opium was "likely to do no more than drive the industry further east."[5]

Another, and even more cynical view of Nixon's action is to see it as a direct attack on the French Corsican networks which relied almost exclusively on Turkey as their source of supply, and which, according to Le Monde, were being deliberately forced out of the international drug trade as the result of a "close Mafia‑police‑Narcotics Bureau collaboration." Le Monde stated explicitly that it was the U.S.‑Sicilian Mafia which closed down the sluice‑gates of Turkish opium production. Was Nixon personally playing a role, as Henrik Kruger suggests, in this seamy international drug war between rival networks? Such a possibility seems less remote when we recall the rivalry which had grown up in the 1960s between deGaulle's intelligence services and the CIA, and the respective reliance of these services upon the rival Corsican and U.S.‑Italian crime syndicates.

Nixon announces "war on heroin" on June 17, 1971.

Le Monde had no difficulty in spelling out the American side of the intelligence‑Mafia connection, even though the CIA activities of Santo Trafficante, the alleged heir to the Luciano network, were not known to it at the time:

Luciano

Instructed by his own experience of collaboration with the American intelligence services, Lucky Luciano used to recommend to his honorable correspondents scattered from Beirut to Tangiers, via Ankara and Marseilles, to operate as he had done. It was in this way that drug dealers and couriers served as informants to [the British] MI5, to [the American] CIA, to [the French] SDECE, to the [West German] Gehlen organization, even to the Italian SIFFAR.[6]

On the French side, LeMonde was predictably more reticent; but from other sources we learn that at least two members of the competing Ricord network, Christian David and Michel Nicoli, were former members of the Gaullist Service d'Action Civique (SAC), the parallel police or barbouzes who had been used to assassinate members of the right wing Organisation de I'Armee Secrete (OAS), in revolt against de Gaulle's accommodation with Algeria. Through SAC, David and Nicoli had come into contact with SDECE operations as well.[7]

One of the major theses of Henrik Kruger's fascinating book is that "the great heroin coup" ‑the "remarkable shift" from Marseilles (Corsican) to Southeast Asian and Mexican (Mafia) heroin in the United States, was a deliberate move to reconstruct and redirect the heroin trade, rather than to eliminate it, and that Cuban exiles, Santo Trafficante, the CIA, and the Nixon White House were all involved:

It was, needless to say, not a willful conspiracy of all the above. But we can assert with reasonable certainty that the CIA, Trafficante and other mafiosi, certain Southeast Asians, and some people in the White House must have been in the know. (Kruger, p. 122)

As Kruger tells the story, the motivations for the alleged heroin coup were primarily political: to break the power of the old Gaullist SAC connection, which by 1970 was as distasteful to de Gaulle's pro-American successor Pompidou as it was to Nixon, and (on the American side) to replace it by an alternative power base. In Kruger's analysis it was not so much a struggle between the French and American intelligence services, SDECE and CIA, as it was a struggle between old and new leaderships. The coming to power of Pompidou in France, and of Nixon in America, had created unprecedented tensions and suspicions between these two presidents and their old-line intelligence services: hence Nixon's desire to use the war on heroin as a pretext for a new super-agency under White House control. Hence also the successive agreements between Nixon, Pompidou, and their cabinet officers to crack down on the old Corsican connection.

Once again, the U.S. press resistance to the subject matter of Kruger's book suggests that there is something to his thesis. At least two books published in America, both obviously based on U.S. government sources, discussed the arrest of David at length, without mentioning either that he had worked for SAC/SDECE or that he had confessed to involvement in the 1965 assassination of the Moroccan leftist Mehdi Ben Barka‑one of the major unsolved French intelligence assassination scandals of the 1960s. The first U.S. book to mention David's confession was Newsday's newspaper series The Heroin Trail; the Newsday team also told how they

received a call from the U.S. Embassy in Paris, stating that earlier promises of French and American cooperation with our investigation would only be kept if we agreed to submit our manuscript to both governments in advance of publication for the correction of "erroneous information." We refused.[8]

Yet even The Heroin Trail, which deserved its Pulitzer prize, states only that David "confessed to participating in the plot to murder Mehdi Ben Barka, a Moroccan leftist lured to France under false pretenses by SDECE."[9]

[Writer and publishers sued for libel in 1980.]

Before Kruger's book one had had to go to books published in England or France to learn that it was not de Gaulle who wanted Ben Barka killed-‑quite the contrary-‑but some other government or governments and their intelligence services, and that a leading suspect in the case was the American CIA.

As the Oxford historian Phillip M. Williams wrote in 1969,

Here one point is absolutely clear. The Gaullist government not only had no interest in Ben Barka's death, but had every interest in his survival. Ben Barka was a left‑wing, anti‑American, third‑world nationalist leader with a lively admiration for General de Gaulle, and had been received at the Elysee some time before: a natural ally for Gaullist policy. Thus any official French connivance could have come only from some section of the State machine which was acting clean contrary to the wishes of the President.[10]

Williams himself then suggests two possible hypotheses which are both compatible with each other and close to Kruger's own explanation:

One, much favoured especially among Left Gaullists, was collaboration with the CIA to eliminate the organizer of the Havana Tricontinental Congress [i.e. Ben Barka]. Another was that SDECE were obliging either Moroccan Intelligence as such, or Oufkir [the Moroccan Intelligence Chief, whom Williams describes elsewhere as "too pro‑American for the Gaullists"] in a personal vendetta against Ben Barka, in return for services rendered in the past.... That there were some SDECE officers who were violently opposed to Gaullist policy towards the United States, especially in Intelligence matters, is clear from the now celebrated "revelations" of the former SDECE agent Pierre Thyraud de Vosjoli [who was ousted from SDECE because of his services for the CIA].[11]

In other words, an Oxford don a decade ago had already explored Kruger's hypothesis that disloyal elements in de Gaulle's cabinet and intelligence service, acting at the behest of the CIA, had Ben Barka killed. Yet Kruger's book goes much further and is, to my knowledge, the first serious study of the Ben Barka mystery to be published in this country. This alone would make it an important challenge to the current stereotype of the CIA as a bunch of exotic assassination bumblers, given to armchair fantasies about thallium foot powders, exploding conch shells, or contaminated cigars.

Kruger's book is also the first in America, to my knowledge, to explore further what Newsday called "reports" that David, "an adventurer recruited into the French secret service for terrorist activities. . . assassinated a number of African officials, and, in Latin America, infiltrated Uruguay's Tupamaro guerrillas and identified several for the police."[12] Once again, a well‑documented French study, Dossier D comme Drogue, has confirmed David's work for the French and Uruguayan secret service in penetrating and turning over the Tupamaros, for which he was equipped with a diplomatic passport.[13] But it is Kruger who supplies the details of the arms transactions by which David was able to penetrate to the very heart of the Tupamaro organization. And, once again, it is Kruger who points out that David's services against the Tupamaros were part of an effort coordinated by the notorious U.S. CIA police "advisor," Dan Mitrione — the same Mitrione who according to New York Times reporter A.J. Langguth arranged for the Uruguay‑an police to obtain superior electric torture needles through the U.S. diplomatic pouch.[14]

David's successful penetration of the Tupamaros—and, before that, of the Argentine FAL (Fuerzas Argentinas de Liberacion) —helps explain why so many U.S. and French intelligence agents have been helped, by official provision of an invaluable diplomatic passport, to become important in the lucrative international arms and drug traffic. (The two traffics are frequently interrelated, as LeMonde pointed out, and can help pay for each other).[15] It was as a well-connected criminal smuggler that David was able to persuade the FAL and Tupamaro leadership that he could procure arms for them; and it was after providing small arms to the Tupamaros that David became their trainer and adviser in weapons matters and turned them in. As we shall see, this modus operandi will be encountered frequently in Kruger's book.

When one considers that the bulk of the world's small arms traffic is dominated by the world intelligence milieu, and that the largest single wholesaler is, or was until recently, the CIA‑linked multinational Interarmco (founded by former CIA agent Samuel Cummings),[16] one can see that it is difficult to rely on weapons as a major revolutionary asset without becoming dependent, at one's peril, upon one or another of the existing world powers.

Meanwhile, on the side of the police repressive apparatus, it is difficult to remain in sustained contact with the enormously lucrative narcotics traffic (particularly in countries where bribery is an accepted part of the political culture) without becoming partly or wholly corrupted by it. Thus the New York Times hats reported how in 1974 one major narcotics trafficker obtained a diplomatic passport from the secretary to the Bolivian president for a simple cocaine shipment; while charges against another in Ecuador were dismissed at the order of Ecuador's minister of the interior.[17] As we shall see, this latter phenomenon of an "intelligence immunity" has become a recurring feature of justice inside the United States, even in major cases ranging from narcotics to political murder.

Again, it is part of Kruger's thesis that the CIA, even after it had decided to eliminate the Ricord network of which David formed part, was unwilling to destroy the international drug connection which allowed its agents to gather intelligence about insurrectionary movements through the tactic of selling arms to them; and which at the same time financed the organization of counter‑revolutionary death squads and "parallel police" such as the Argentine AAA (Alianza Anticomunista Argentina).

Undoubtedly, in Latin America, the stories of drugs and of death squads, such as that which arranged for the assassination of Orlando Letelier in Washington, have been closely interwoven.

As support for his argument that the traffic once dominated by Ricord was simply redirected to Cuban exiles in touch with the CIA and with Santo Trafficante, Kruger points to the extraordinary story of Alberto Sicilia Falcon. Somehow Sicilia, a twenty‑nine‑year‑old Cuban exile from Miami, was able to emerge as the ringleader of the so‑called "Mexican connection" which promptly filled the vacuum created by the destruction of the Ricord network in 1972. Lucien Sarti, a top Ricord lieutenant, was shot and killed by authorities in Mexico on 27 April 1972, after being located there by U.S. agents.[18] The new Sicilia network, according to DEA Chief Peter Bensinger, was operating by May 1972, and had "revenues reliably established in the hundreds of millions of dollars" by the time of Sicilia's own arrest in July 1975.[19]

Once again, it is virtually impossible to find any extensive treatment in the U.S. press of the mysterious Alberto Sicilia Falcon, even though his arrest led to no less than 104 indictments, 73 of them in the United States.[20] From the noted German magazine Der Spiegel, however, one learns that Sicilia told the Mexican authorities who arrested him that he was a CIA agent, and had been trained at Fort Jackson (as had at least one of Nixon's Watergate Cubans) for possible guerilla activity against Cuba. Allegedly he had also worked in Chile against the socialist government of Salvador Allende until he returned to the U.S. in early 1973. He also, according to Mexican police, spoke of a special deal with the CIA; the U.S. government had turned a blind eye to his heroin shipments, while his organization supplied CIA weapons to terrorist groups in Central America, thereby forcing the host governments to accept U.S. conditions for security assistance.[21]

DEA Chief Bensinger was quite circumspect in his testimony about Alberto Sicilia Falcon, merely calling him "a Cuban national" and alluding to his possible "revolutionary activity in Central and South America." From this it was easier to deduce that Sicilia was a Castro agent than the reverse.[22] In fact, Sicilia was a Cuban exile who had come to Mexico from Miami, where he had links to the Cuban exile community, and had personally negotiated for manufacturing rights to the celebrated 9mm Parabellum machine pistol, better known as the Ingram M‑10.[23]

Parabellum was a Miami‑based arms sales firm set up by soldier-of‑fortune Gerry Patrick Hemming, and headed by Cuban exile Anselmo Alliegro IV, whose father had been close to Batista.[24] Parabellum in turn was sales representative for Hemming's friend Mitch WerBell III, a mysterious White Russian, OSS‑China veteran, small arms manufacturer, and occasional U.S. intelligence operative, with unexplained relations to the CIA, DEA, and the major drugs‑for‑arms deal for which he was indicted but acquitted.[25] (The government's case failed after the chief government witness, arms and dope smuggler Kenneth Burnstine, was killed in the crash of his private plane.)[26] As we shall see, another client interested in producing the Ingram M‑10 machine pistol in Latin America, under license from WerBell, was the international fugitive and Nixon campaign contributor, Robert Vesco.

Like other European journalists, Kruger notes that the same 9mm automatic pistol, better known (after its inventor) as the Ingram M‑10, was found in February 1977 among the effects of the Italian neo‑Fascist, Luigi Concutelli, of Ordine Nuovo, who had used it in the July 1976 political murder of the Italian centrist judge Vittoria Occorso.[27] Its presence among Concutelli's effects was considered especially significant because the M‑10, manufactured by WerBell's former firm the Military Armaments Corporation, was supposed to be delivered only to intelligence services (such as Spain's D.G.S.), and every sale of the M‑10 required a special permit from the Munitions Control Branch of the U.S. State Department.

According to the Spanish Minister of the Interior, Concutelli's Ingram M‑10 had been modified in a clandestine arms factory in Madrid, discovered in a raid by Madrid police on 22 February 1977.[28] Arrested in connection with that raid were six Italian leaders of Ordine Nuovo and Mario Sanchez Covisa, the leader of a Spanish terrorist group (the Guerrillas of Christ the King, or GCR) which had just assassinated a number of left wing Spanish activists on the eve of Spain's first general election after the death of Franco. According to a detailed study by the French journalist Frederic Laurent, the two chief advisers to Sanchez Covisa, the Italian Stefano Delle Chiaie and the Frenchman Yves Guerin‑Serac, escaped arrest with the others. In turn, all but one of the rest were released three months later. The reason for this leniency., according to Laurent, was that the GCR had served as a parallel police for the Spanish intelligence service (DGS) in its murderous repression of the Basque (ETA) separatist terrorist network.[29]

Clearly the Sanchez Covisa episode had international overtones, and a number of newspapers, even including the New York Times, mentioned speculations that the GCR might be functioning in coordination with a newly created "Fascist International." Such notions gained credence when Spanish police discovered among the GCR's assets three gold ingots which had been stolen the preceding summer by a group of French rightists and OAS veterans in a spectacular $10 million robbery of the Societe Generale de Nice.[30] The leader of this well‑organized group was Albert Spaggiari, veteran of an OAS assassination attempt against de Gaulle. When Spaggiari was captured by the French police in October 1976, the British press service Reuter noted reports from police sources that Spaggiari "had links with an international organization with members in right‑wing circles in Italy, Lebanon, Britain and elsewhere."[31]

Spaggiari's international milieu acquired an even more intriguing dimension when it was revealed that in September 1976, after the robbery, Spaggiari had flown to Miami and offered his services as a mercenary to the CIA, citing his role in the Nice robbery as among his qualifications. Contrary to what he had expected, the CIA chose to transmit this information to the FBI, who in turn notified the French police through Interpol. It was this contact with the CIA which thus led to Spaggiari's arrest one month later.

After thirty‑seven hours of noncooperation, Spaggiari suddenly admitted his role in the Nice robbery. According to LeMonde, this was part of a negotiated deal with the French police: Spaggiari would plead guilty to the $10 million dollar robbery, and thereby escape indictment on a still more serious charge of international arms trafficking. Spaggiari gained acceptance of this proposal after citing "the name of an important personage in the Ministry of the Interior, sometime participant in the cabinet of [French Interior Minister] Michel Poniatowski, who, for various reasons, was aware of the traffics in which he [i.e. Spaggiari] was involved."[32]

Five months later, in March 1977, Spaggiari escaped by jumping through the second‑story window of the Nice Palais de Justice, landing on the roof of a waiting truck. Meanwhile the French weekly, L'Express, revealed that Spaggiari had been in contact in 1976 with a gang in Rome, "the Marseilles clan," who in turn had been close to Concutelli, and had been indicted by the latter's victim, Judge Occorsio.[33]

As Henrik Kruger points out, CIA‑trained Cubans and their new patrons from the intelligence service and parallel police of the military police‑states of Chile and Argentina, were also directly in touch with the so‑called "Fascist International" milieu of Concutelli's Ordine Nuovo, Sanchez Covisa's GCR and Spaggiari's connection. As he points out (Kruger p. 204), an Argentine, Jorge Cesarsky, and a Cuban, Carlos Perez, were arrested in January 1977, in connection with one of the murders organized by Sanchez Covisa's GCR.[34] Carlos Perez is of particular interest to U.S. readers, because he was the Madrid representative of the Movimiento Nacionalista Cubana (MNC), an ideologically Fascist Cuban exile group, two of whose leaders (Ignacio and Guillermo Novo Sampol) have recently been convicted in connection with the assassination in Washington, in September 1976, of former Chilean foreign minister Orlando Letelier and Ronni Moffitt.

As has now been confirmed in part by a U.S. court, the assassination of Letelier by MNC members and Chilean intelligence agent Michael Townley was one of a series of "crimes in which Cuban exile terrorists and Chilean officials have collaborated since 1973."[35] Senior members of the Chilean junta intelligence service (DINA) initiated the Letelier murder, while junta leader Augusto Pinochet himself, according to a U.S. government official, was personally responsible.[36] One of these shootings, that of former Chilean Christian Democratic leader Bernardo Leighton and his wife (who was left paralyzed for life) took place in Rome in October 1975. Zero, a Cuban exile terrorist group allied to the MNC, took credit for the shooting in a well‑informed communique. American sources have claimed that the attack was arranged through either Michael Townley or his wife Mariana Callejas, working for two Chileans who had collaborated earlier on the murder of Chilean General Rene Schneider.[37] European journalists have added that the terrorists in Rome were connected to a former mercenary group, once based in Lisbon, known by its cover name of Aginter‑Press, and more particularly to Aginter's Italian "correspondent" Stefano Delle Chiaie.[38] Both Aginter‑Press and the Townleys had collaborated in the 1973 Chilean coup group Patria y Libertad (a group indirectly subsidized by the CIA), while Delle Chiaie and his friend, the Italian Fascist Prince Valerio Borghese, had visited the Chilean junta in 1974.[39]

Delle Chiaie has already come to our attention as the Italian attached as senior adviser to the GCR in Spain, along with Yves Guerin‑Serac, the former leader of Aginter‑Press and, like most Aginter members, a veteran of the OAS. We should like to recall that Delle Chiaie and Guerin‑Serac escaped because of their relationship to the Spanish, DGS arrest for the same murder in Madrid which led to the temporary arrest of Cuban MNC representative Carlos Perez. In other words the Letelier killing, horrible in itself, was only one incident in a larger web of international conspiracy.

The Latin American aspect of this larger story has already been told in the United States: the creation of an international Cuban exile terrorist network at the service of dictatorships such as Cuba, Brazil, and Nicaragua (under the Somozas), in exchange for payments in arms and future support in actions against Fidel Castro. Thus the Letelier killing has been traced back to the creation of a Cuban exile umbrella organization, CORU (Coordinacion de Organisaciones Revolucionarias Unidas), in the Bonao mountains of the Dominican Republic, in June 1976, under the leadership of Cuban exile terrorist Orlando Bosch, who had visited Chile in December 1974 with Guillermo Novo, and had spent a year there at junta expense.[40]

Bosch himself spoke to New Times reporter Blake Fleetwood about these activities. While declining to talk about the Letelier killing which was then under investigation, he cheerfully admitted setting up the murder of two Cuban diplomats in Argentina, in conjunction with the Argentine right wing terrorist AAA (to which Jorge Cesarsky, arrested in Spain, belonged).[41] Government sources told Saul Landau of the Transnational Institute in Washington that the Bonao meeting, attended by a U.S. Government informant, broke down into workshops for the planning of specific crimes, including the murder of Letelier and the October 1976 bombing of a Cuban airliner, in which seventy‑three people were killed.[42] Bosch returned from the Bonao meeting to Venezuela, at the invitation, he maintains, of the Venezuelan intelligence service DISIP, who gave him a DISIP identification card.[43]

Given the nature, and the scope, of this network of governmentassisted terror, of which the U.S. government was well‑informed, it is interesting to recall the initial charade which the U.S. intelligence agencies put on for the benefit of the U.S. press:

On October 11, 1976, Newsweek magazine reported that "the CIA has concluded that the Chilean secret police were not involved in the death of Orlando Letelier." The CIA also reassured the U.S. Department of Justice of this "fact." A Washington Star reporter (8 October 1976) was told by FBI sources that "Letelier might just as well have been killed by leftist extremists to create a martyr." David Binder of the New York Times reported (12 October 1976) that "intelligence officials" were "pursuing the possibility that Mr. Letelier had been assassinated by Chilean left wing extremists as a means of disrupting U.S. relations with the military junta"[44] .... But the biggest flood of distortion and rumors came from former and retired FBI and CIA officials.... Members of such groups as the Association of Former Intelligence Officers headed at that time by David Phillips (Phillips, incidentally, headed the CIA's Latin American covert action department at the time of the Sept. 11, 1973 coup in Chile) delivered documents from Letelier's briefcase [to suggest, falsely] that Letelier was... not only a Cuban agent, but... a Soviet agent as well.[45]

After persistent pressure from Letelier's U.S. associates and friendly journalists, Letelier's principal assassin (Michael Townley) has received a 10 year sentence (he will be eligible for parole in 1981). For some reason the CIA was withholding relevant information from the Justice Department at the same time it publicly advocated its theory of DINA's innocence. Those who ordered Townley's crime have not even been indicted. On the contrary, a related case against another Cuban exile for receiving heavy‑caliber arms, reportedly in "part payment for the Letelier‑Moffitt murders," was unsuccessful; largely, it has been charged, because the CIA helped throw the case.[46] As I write these words, a Congressional Committee has just released a bill which responds in part to mounting pressures to "unleash" the CIA. Thus Kruger's book is urgent and timely: it lifts the veil on the global networks of these parafascist terrorists who can so frequently plot and murder with impunity, thanks to their relationships and services to the intelligence agencies of the so‑called "free world." In short, it tells a story which our own media have systematically failed to tell.

I cannot promise that his account is flawless. He writes about intrigues where disinformation is rife and the truth about an event is frequently misunderstood even by its participants. But he has brought together a prodigious amount of information, supported by shrewd analysis, particularly with respect to the European scene which he knows best. As for the American scene, it may be difficult on first reading to accept his hypothesis of a huge "Miami conspiracy", now "reaching out with a vengeance to Latin America" (Kruger p. 204). Other observers of the so‑called "Fascist international" phenomenon (to use the term first given respectability by Le Monde), have seen it as more polycentric, continuously divided by sectarianism, paranoia, and the ultimate inadequacy of national socialism as an international ideology.[47] But, even if nationalist ideologues continue to clash, there is unquestionably increasing international unity among the professional terrorists. I prefer to call the latter parafascists rather than Fascists because their primary concern is neither ideology nor a mass movement, but rather to function covertly in the service of, or parallel to, intelligence bureaucracies. Among parafascists there is a tendency toward international cohesion, even if this is fluid, and requires no one single capital or base. Where Kruger focuses on Miami, others have focused on Madrid, Costa Rica or Washington.

Kruger's invaluable contribution is to have spelled out the pervasive role of narcotics in supplying finances, organization, and sanctions to this parafascist network, from the Argentine AAA to the World Anti‑Communist League (WACL) founded by KMT intelligence personnel on Taiwan. Before World War II the KMT regime in China was perhaps the best example of political manipulation of the narcotics traffic, under the guise of an "opium suppression campaign," to finance both a political and an intelligence apparatus (under General Tai Li).[48] This practice spread after World War II to a number of other WACL member countries and groups. Today there is cause to fear that Nixon's superagency, the Drug Enforcement Administration, has, like other narcotics enforcement agencies before it, come to use corrupt personnel who are actually part of the traffic, as part of a covert war against revolution.

This is easiest to argue in the case of corrupt police forces overseas, such as the DEA‑supported Thai Border Patrol police who, by a massacre of unarmed Thai students, contributed to the overthrow of Thai democracy in October 1976.[49] But, in addition, Harper's Washington editor Jim Hougan has raised the possibility that a supersecret internal DEA intelligence group called "Deacon 1," consisting of thirty former CIA officers, all of them Cuban exiles, was "taken over by Cuban exile extremists" who "may have felt a greater loyalty to the politics of Orlando Bosch than to the goals of the DEA."[50] Hougan and Kruger cite the example of Deacon 1 operative Carlos Hernandez Rumbaut, a convicted narcotics trafficker who became second‑in‑command of the Costa Rican Narcotics Division and allegedly also joined a local death squad. Hougan asks whether the plans for Bosch's CORU and the DEA Deacon 1 operation in Costa Rica may not together explain the convergence in Costa Rica in 1974‑76 of Robert Vesco, Mitch WerBell, Santo Trafficante and Orlando Bosch — all of whose activities "impinge on the same areas... exile politics, smuggling, and the CIA. "[51] In support of this disturbing question, one can note that Bosch was given no less than three passports by Costa Rica in August 1976, right after the Bonao CORU meeting; and also that ten months later Bosch's daughter and son‑in‑law were both arrested on charges of smuggling cocaine.[52]

The U.S. government's narcotics Mafia connection goes back, as is well known, to World War II. Two controversial joint operations between OSS (Office of Strategic Services) and ONI (U.S. naval intelligence) established contacts (via Lucky Luciano) with the Sicilian Mafia;[53] and (via Tai Li) with the dope‑dealing Green Gang of Tu Yueh‑Sheng in Shanghai.[54] Both connections were extended into the post‑war period as the Luciano and KMT networks slowly resumed their pre‑war contacts. In Washington, in 1947, State Department official Walter Dowling noted with concern the efforts of an ex‑OSS officer to reactivate the wartime OSS‑mafia connection. Future CIA officer James Angleton (then in an interim agency, SSU) appears to have shared Dowling's repugnance; but one of the principal ex‑OSS agents concerned, Max Corvo, now enjoyed influential private backing as a consultant to Italian‑American industries in SiCily.[55]

The deportation of Lucky Luciano to Sicily in 1946 was followed by that of more than sixty other American mafiosi, some of whom, like Frank Coppola, became not only key figures in the postwar Luciano‑Trafficante narcotics connection, but also political bosses whose Mafia muscle ensured the election of Christian Democrat M.P.s.[56] Coppola's name has been linked, together with that of Interior Minister Mario Scelba, to a May Day 1947 massacre at Portella delle Ginestre, in which eight people were killed by machinegun fire, and thirty‑three were wounded. In all 498 Sicilians, mostly left wingers, were murdered in 1948 alone, a revealing footnote to former CIA operative Miles Copeland's benign assurance that "had it not been for the Mafia the Communists would by now be in control of Italy."[57]

Meanwhile, in the United States, KMT agents helped establish a powerful China Lobby, and collaborated with friends in U.S. agencies to target, and in some cases drive from government, old foes of the former U.S.‑KMT‑Tai Li alliance including those inside the OSS. A scholarly book in 1960 noted that "the narcotics business has been a factor in some activities and permutations of the China Lobby," thus challenging the official Narcotics Bureau myth that KMT dope in this country was "Communist Chinese".[58]

The Luciano and KMT networks had been in contact for U.S. dope distribution in the 1930s. Although there is no evidence of substantial collaboration between them in the 1950s, there are symptoms of increasing convergence, partly through agents who dealt with both. There is the example of George White, an FBN official and former OSS agent who testified to the Kefauver Committee that he had been approached on behalf of Luciano in 1943 by an old China trafficker, August del Grazio.[59] White worked closely with the CIA in the postwar years and (under FBN cover) ran one of their LSD experiments in Project MK/ULTRA.[60] In 1948 White was back in Europe, intending to check up personally on Luciano and his narcotics associate Nick Gentile, another former U.S. gangster who (like Vito Genovese) had worked for the Allied Military Government in Sicily.[61] Soon afterwards Mafia traffickers in the United States began to be arrested, but not men like Luciano, Gentile, or Coppola.

By the time of White's visit to Marseilles, the CIA and AFL organizer Irving Brown were already subsidizing the use of Corsican and Italian gangsters to oust Communist unions from the Marseilles port. Brown's CIA case officer, Paul Sakwa, has confirmed that by the time CIA subsidies were terminated in 1953, Brown's chief contact with the Marseilles underworld, Pierre Ferri‑Pisani, no longer needed U.S. support, because of the profits his newly‑gained control of the port supplied from the heroin traffic.[62] Under the oversight of Ferri‑Pisani and the Guerini gang, Corsican traffickers worked with the Luciano network and in the 1950s were its chief source of refined heroin. This alone might help explain the apparent immunity of Luciano's network, to which Le Monde alluded, along with that of its Corsican suppliers, about which Le Monde was silent.

Although White worked on the Luciano and Corsican cases, his FBN reputation had been made in 1937 by smashing a major distribution network headed by the pro‑KMT Chinese tong (gang) in San Francisco, the Hip Sings.[63] But by 1951 the CIA was closely allied with KMT drug operations in Burma and Yunnan, through a Miamibased proprietary, Sea Supply, Inc., organized by OSS veteran Paul Helliwell.[64] In 1959 the FBN and White again arrested a new generation of Hip Sing officials, but only after the ringleader (Chung Wing Fong, a former Hip Sing president and official of the San Francisco Chinese Anti‑Communist League, a KMT front) had yielded his passport to the U.S. consul in Hong Kong and then travelled as ordered to Taiwan.[65] In this way Fong became no more than an unindicted conspirator and the KMT disappeared from view; White, meanwhile, turned around and told the U.S. press the heroin came from Communist China ("most of it from a vast poppy field near Chungking").[66] In China, if not in Italy, White's concern about dope seems to have centered on networks within U.S. borders, not on the international suppliers.

In 1953‑54 the CIA drew on old China hands with exposure to KMT traffic (Chennault, Willauer, William Pawley, Howard Hunt) to set up the overthrow of the Arbenz government in Guatemala, an operation which at least contemplated the use of "Puerto Rican and Cuban gangsters."[67] As part of this operation, we see CIA officer Howard Hunt, a veteran with his friend Lucien Conein and Conein's friend WerBell of OSS operations in China under Helliwell, helping in 1954 to set up what would eventually become the Latin American branch of the KMT‑backed World Anti‑Communist League. (Four years later the chairman of this group was the Guatemalan attorney of New Orleans Mafia leader Carlos Marcello.[68]) Nevertheless, in the late 1950s it seemed unlikely that the heroin connection, outside of countries directly involved, like Laos, would either have a major impact on U.S. policy or become a significant alternative to it. With the decline of cold war paranoia, events seemed to be moving towards normalization.

All this changed with the 1960s, when the CIA reassembled for the Bay of Pigs the old Guatemala team (including Hunt, Willauer, and Pawley, who oversaw Cuban recruitment). With the failure of the Bay of Pigs Cuba became to America what Algeria had been to France. The explosive political controversy meant that thousands of Cuban exiles, many of them with backgrounds in the Havana milieu, were trained by the U.S. as guerrillas and/or terrorists, then left in political limbo. Many of them soon turned to smuggling to augment their finances, and in some cases supplant their original political objectives. At least one CIA project growing out of Operation 40 (the control, element in the Bay of Pigs invasion force), had to be terminated, when the drug activities of its members became too embarrassing.[69] In 1973 Newsday reported that "at least eight percent of the 1500‑man [Bay of Pigs] invasion force has subsequently been investigated or arrested for drug‑dealing."[70]

By this time many Bay of Pigs veterans were working for either Vesco or Trafficante.[71] Both the lucrative drug traffic and its anti-Communist politics began increasingly to get out of U.S. control. This was particularly true when, after the death of President Kennedy, the U.S. lent a hand to military coups in Brazil, the Dominican Republic, and Greece, nations which in turn became bases for further right wing activities in other countries. America's lack of enthusiasm for the Fascist clients it had helped to procreate, only had the effect of encouraging them to plot more energetically with each other, and to lobby lavishly for more right wing policies in Washington. It was in this period that mercenary terrorism, illicit arms traffic, and drug traffic, consolidated into one increasingly global milieu. The longdelayed founding of the World Anti‑Communist League in Taiwan in 1967 may be a less significant symptom of this trend than the Greek coup of the same year, after which the KYP (the Greek CIA) became an active fomenter of parafascist terror tactics in the rest of Europe.[72]

The official termination of the CIA MONGOOSE project against Cuba in the same year left a colossal disposal problem: what to do with the estimated 7000 trained Cubans? Here America seems to have followed the example set by de Gaulle. Some of these Cuban exiles were absorbed into other CIA and Pentagon operations, some went to work as did David for intelligence services in Latin America, some were retained by the CIA to report on their former colleagues and even to eliminate the more troublesome of them. But each of these solutions ran the risk of giving more power to the very elements whom the CIA wished to disperse. This was the situation faced by Richard Nixon on his election.

Several studies of Richard Nixon have focused on his contacts since 1946 with elements from organized crime, mostly through his early political adviser Murray Chotiner, and his close friend and business associate Bebe Rebozo. Kirkpatrick Sale has suggested that "It is possible that Richard Nixon was one more of the large number of politicians in this country who have been bought or cajoled into the service of the ends of organized crime."[73]

Yet this dark hypothesis is, I think, as oversimplified as its opposite. Like every one of his predecessors since at least World War II, Nixon, to become elected, had made accommodations to all of the prominent political forces in the coalition he represented, including the inevitable connection to organized crime. It may well be that in his early career these connections were more prominent than in the case of Lyndon Johnson, who started as FDR's protege, or John F. Kennedy, who was born wealthy (and could leave dirty business connections to his father). But it was also apparent, even before he was elected in 1968, that Nixon sought to pursue a foreign policy that would be independent of the early KMT, and other money which had first helped him to become a national political figure.

Faced with the growing and closely related problems of right wing terrorism and of the international narcotics traffic, Nixon's approach seems to have been that of a self‑perceived political realist: to gain control of, redirect, and manipulate the problem forces, rather than to somehow make them magically disappear. It is unlikely that these objectives were unrelated to his foreign policy efforts to establish links to mainland China, for this policy challenged the powerful China lobby which had supported him in the past. It may be no coincidence that the proclamation of the war on drugs, Kissinger's secret trip to Peking, and the establishment in the White House of what the president called "a non‑legal team" (the Plumbers), including Hunt and Conein, all took place within a month of each other in mid‑1971.

Thus in Miami Nixon appointed an energetic U.S. attorney, Robert Rust, who in June 1970 rounded up ex‑CIA Cubans like Juan Restoy in Operation Eagle: this unusual zeal, according to Hank Messick, made Rust an exception to the South Florida "don't‑rock‑the‑boat" tradition.[74] But Nixon's appointments to the Federal Court in the Miami area (one of whom was close to Paul Helliwell and had served as director of a bank accused of laundering money for Meyer Lansky) were not so gung‑ho; and eventually most of Rust's indictments in Operation Eagle were overturned in court. Meanwhile the "non‑legal team" at the White House, thanks to Howard Hunt, began to recruit men like Frank Sturgis, whose FBI file linked him to possible "organized crime activities," and Felipe de Diego, a colleague of Restoy in the CIA's Operation 40 project which had to be closed down because of its narcotics involvement.

Nixon, following de Gaulle's example, seems to have taken steps to restore control by the White House over a milieu which the U.S. government itself had helped to create. Like the French, he seems to have turned to elements of the milieu to work against it; but he seems to have had worse luck in those whom he picked. In his memoirs Nixon tells how, less than two weeks after the Watergate break‑in Haldeman said that the whole thing was so ludicrous that Dean had not discounted the possibility that we were dealing with a double agent who purposely blew the operation. Otherwise it was just too

hard to figureout.[75]

Eight years of journalistic books on Watergate, most of which barely mention the narcotics responsibilities of the so‑called Plumbers, have not come up with any better explanation.

Edward J. Epstein's book on Nixon's drug policies, which ipso facto is a book about Watergate, analyzes this shortcoming of the journalists:

The White House timetable for consolidating its power over the investigative agencies of the government was rudely interrupted on June 17, 1972, when Washington, D.C., police arrested five men in the national headquarters of the Democratic Party in the Watergate apartment and office complex.... With Nixon's impending reelection threatening the very independence of the power base of the investigative agencies, there were strong forces within the executive branch of the government which would not only refuse to help cover up the embarrassing connection but would actively work to disclose it.... Richard Helms... had been told that Nixon planned to replace him immediately after the election, and he feared, as he told me subsequently, that Nixon also planned "to destroy [his] agency.".. . . The "battle of the leaks," as Colson called it... began to sink the Nixon Administration. . .

Consider, for example, the problem of Woodward and Bernstein, of the Washington Post. Woodward was receiving information from Robert Foster Bennett, of Robert R. Mullen and Company, that focused the blame for Watergate on Charles Colson. If he had assumed that Bennett was providing him with this information for anything more than a disinterested purpose, he would have had to ask whom Bennett worked for, what the true business of Mullen and Company was, and why Bennett wanted him to steer his investigation away from the CIA and toward Charles Colson. He then would have found that Mullen and Company was a CIA front organization and was aware that Bennett was giving information to Woodward; and that the CIA was trying to divert attention from itself (and succeeding, in the Washington Post) because a number of the conspirators involved in the Watergate burglary had also been involved in operations that the CIA had directly supported, such as the Plumbers. Moreover, the very fact that a CIA front group was providing information that was undermining the Nixon administration pointed to a conflict between Nixon and the CIA. Woodward and Bernstein, however, could not have reported these implications and thus could not have depicted the power struggle between the president and the CIA without revealing one of their prime sources. For the same reason, the reporters who received Nixon's tax returns from officials of the Internal Revenue Service could not have revealed this as evidence of a struggle between disgruntled members of the Treasury Department and the president without also revealing that they were no more than messengers for insurgents struggling against the president. By not revealing their sources, they received the Pulitzer Prize... [76]

Epstein views Watergate as optimistically as Edmund Burke saw the Whig Revolution of 1688 —as a restoration of decorum after tyrannous encroachment, a revolution not so much made as prevented: "The revolt of the bureaucrats thus succeeded in blocking Nixon's plan to gain control over the investigative agencies of the government in his second term."[77] This optimism assumes that Nixon himself was the problem, not the monster DEA agency which outlasted him or the CIA Cubans it recruited. It is true that the Watergate exposures put an end to Hunt's little known "recruitment of a secret army of Cuban exiles [no fewer than 120, according to CBS], answerable only to the White House, and equipped to assassinate foreign leaders."[78]

But some of the old China hands with network connections began moving to the new DEA. As we have seen, Hunt secured a post for his old OSS‑Kunming friend Lucien Conein in what eventually became DEA, and Conein in turn recruited his own band of CIA Cubans in Deacon I, at least one of whom, according to CIA reports, has already taken part in a death squad operation.[79]

Nor did Watergate have a good effect on narcotics enforcement. On the contrary, the Watergate disclosures were followed by a marked drop‑off in high‑level drug conspiracy arrests. Senate investigator Philip R. Manuel reported in 1975 that "from 1917 through early 1973 Federal narcotics enforcement had its period of greatest success," but failed to hold its gains thereafter.[80] The new DEA soon came under both Senate and Justice Department scrutiny for a series of irregularities, including what one Senate staff report called "unprofessional conduct" in failing to pursue a Vesco narcotics lead.[81]

The terrorism connection which would survive Nixon's departure from office was not confined to Conein's Cuban squad in DEA. In 1975, when one Aginter‑Press operative was overseeing the attempted murder of Bernardo and Anna Leighton in Rome, another was consulting in Washington with right wing Senator Strom Thurmond and with an official of President Ford's National Security Council. The second Aginter operative was former OAS member Jean‑Denis Raingeard, and he sought (but failed to obtain) U.S. support for a plan by which the Azores would secede from Portugal; Aginter's Plan Usine for the secession involved a deal whereby a U.S. firm, with links to a New York Mafia family, would obtain rights for a casino, a bank, and (as one might have predicted) two diplomatic passports.[82] Although the Ford Administration did not ultimately buy the illegal proposal (they were more worried by the Portuguese reaction) neither did they discourage Raingeard's lobbying efforts among the Republican right wing. The next year U. S. agencies helped cover up the murder of Letelier by Aginter's Cuban allies in CORU, in a plot of which they may have had foreknowledge.

Whatever one may think of the Carter administration, it does not seem to have been as protective of Aginter, CORU, or their connections in the international arms and drug traffic. There are, however, two separate reasons why Henrik Kruger's expose of the international parafascist connection is a timely one, and particularly important to U.S. readers. The first reason is that a number of recent revelations, which I have explored elsewhere, link those in the Aginter‑CORU connection to the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. At least three Cubans prominent in the Letelier case have also been revealed, by the recent publications of the House Select Committee on Assassinations, to have been allied in a 1963 Cuban exile junta which, the Committee reported, warranted a "thorough investigation" in the Kennedy assassination case. Lee Harvey Oswald's activities in New Orleans brought him into contact with an anti‑Castro group financially backed by this junta, and to Americans with links to the future Aginter community and possibly the OAS. And on 23 November 1963, Jean Rene Souetre, an OAS terrorist and future Aginter operative, was, according to recently declassified CIA reports, allegedly "expelled from the United States at Fort Worth or Dallas 18 hours after the assassination."[83]

More currently, there are press reports that Ronald Reagan, if elected president of the United States, would appoint Richard V. Allen to succeed Kissinger and Brzezinski as his special assistant for national security affairs. Richard Allen (who had been Nixon's first choice for the Plumbers' unit) is known to have represented Robert Vesco in Washington back in 1972, the year in which Vesco flew from a meeting with Lansky's representative Dino Cellini to Costa Rica, and initiated the contacts which later led to the proposed deal to manufacture Ingram M‑10s in Costa Rica, between Vesco and Parabellum, Alliegro, and WerBell. Allen is also said to have been one of the U.S. contacts of the Aginter Plan Usine lobbyists who were proposing an economic free zone for the Azores (and the U.S. Mafia) much like that which Vesco, at Allen's suggestion, was proposing for Costa Rica.[84]

Richard Allen, to be sure, is no Vesco or Raingeard, but a professional cold warrior who in 1975 helped organize the Committee on the Present Danger ‑a coalition against detente, uniting such veterans of the CIA‑military‑financial establishment as Paul Nitze, Gordon Gray, Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor, Arthur H. Dean, and Vesco's attorney Edward Bennett Williams. Nevertheless, unlike any previous national security adviser, but very much like some of the younger intellectual members of CPD, Allen comes out of the circle of ideological right wing think tanks which have advocated rollback rather than containment, which have collaborated with the Chilean junta, and which have been in touch with their European opposite numbers who in turn have had contact with Aginter and/or the OAS.

Whether or not he has a future in the White House, Allen's past involvement with both the Vesco milieu and the Wall Street establishment should remind U.S. readers that there is much more to the former than Caribbean exoticism, and much more to the latter than Council on Foreign Relations meetings and the sedate journalism of the New York Times. As long as the CORU planners of Letelier's assassination remain protected and unindicted, we must accept that terrorism in this country still enjoys the intelligence immunity which it did in the 1960s in Italy and France. With the advantage of his European experience, Henrik Kruger has seen the full scope of this international parafascism, more clearly than any U.S. journalist I know of. If we in this country wish to do something about the problem he describes, we will do well to begin by studying this book.

Peter Dale Scott Berkeley, June 1980

NOTES

1. Le Monde, 17‑18 June, 1973, pp. 11‑12.

2. Edward J. Epstein, Agency of Fear: Opiates and Political Power in America (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1977), p. 299.

3. Epstein, p. 252.

4. Epstein, p. 86.

5. Epstein, p. 86; Eliot Marshall, "Heroin: the Source of Supply," New Republic, 24‑31 July, 1971, p. 24; cf. Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy (New York: Bobbs Merrill, 1972), p. 212.

6. Le Monde, 17‑18 June, 1973, p. 11.

7. Newsday, The Heroin Trail (New York: New American Library, 1974), p. 124.

8. Heroin Trail, p. 108.

9. Heroin Trail, p. 110.

10. Phillip M. Williams, Wars, Plots and Scandals in Post‑War France

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), p. 115.

11. Williams, pp. 118‑19.

12. Heroin Trail, p. 155.

13. Alain Jaubert, Dossier D... Comme Drogue (Paris: Alain Moreau, 1973), pp. 302‑03, 352.

14. A.J. Langguth, Hidden Terrors (New York: Pantheon, 1978), p. 251.

15. Of the U.S. Treasure Department's list of 710 key illicit arms dealers, in 1977, 108 were drug smugglers, 24 percent of them Class I (U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Government Operations, Illicit Traffic in Weapons and Drugs Across the United States‑Mexican Border, Hearing, 95th Congress, 1st Session, 12 January 1977, p. 31; cited hereafter as Bensinger Hearing).

16. George Thayer, The War Business (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1969), p. 43.

17. New York Times, 21 April 1975, pp. 1, 26.

18. Evert Clark and Nicholas Horrock, Contrabandista (New York: Praeger, 1973), p. 215.

19. Bensinger Hearing, pp. 9, 11.

20. Bensinger Hearing, p. 16.

21. Spiegel, 9 May, 1977, pp. 136‑137, 148.

22. Bensinger Hearing, pp. 10, 14. Indeed, the Los Angeles Times, expanding on Bensinger's description of Sicilia as a "Cuban national," noted "reports that the subcommittee is trying to determine whether Cuba and the Soviet Union are involved in smuggling firearms into Mexico and narcotics into the United States" (13 January, 1977, 11, 6).

23. Bensinger Hearing, pp. 42‑44.

24. Interview of Gerry Patrick Hemming, Argosy (April 1976), p. 52; Jim Hougan, Spooks: The Haunting of America — The Private Use of Secret Agents (New York: William Morrow, 1978), p. 46. Anselmo Alliegro Senior was also a member of the shadowy Ansan investment group in Miami, suspected by a 1948 IRS report of being a front for Luciano funds (Steve Weissman ed., Big Brother and the Holding Company, Palo Alto, Ramparts Press, 1974, pp. 124, 259‑60).

25. Hougan, pp. 46, 15ss.; Hank Messick, Of Grass and Snow: The Secret Criminal Elite (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice‑Hall, 1979), pp. 81‑83.

26. Messick, p. 83.

27. Frederic Laurent, LOrchestre Noir (Paris: Stock, 1978), p. 366.

28. Laurent, pp. 362‑63.

29. Laurent, pp. 311, 363.

30. Laurent, p. 401; Wilfred Burchett and Derek Roebuck, The Whores of War: Mercenaries Today (Harmondsworth, Middlesex and New York: Penguin, 1977), p. 155.

31. Reuter, 31 October 1976, quoted in Burchett, p. 156.

32. Le Monde, 18 May 1977, quoted in Laurent, pp. 398‑99.

33. LExpress, 21 February 1977; cf. Laurent, pp. 365‑66, 400.

34. New York Times, I February 1977, p. 8.

35. Saul Landau, They Educated the Crows: An Institute Report on the Letelier‑Moffitt Murders (Washington: Transnational Institute, 1978), pp. 28‑29.

36. Landau, pp. 4‑13.

37. Donald Freed, with Dr. Fred Simon Landis, Death in Washington: the Murder of Orlando Letelier (Westport: Lawrence Hill and Associates, 1980) 38. Laurent, pp. 137, 312. Since the writing of this preface, a new book has identified Delle Chiaie as a key figure in the Leighton shootings; and adds that his group had informal ties to Italy's intelligence apparatus: John Dinges and Saul Landau, Assassination on Embassy Row (New York: Pantheon, 1980), pp. 117n, 196.

39. U.S. Congress, Senate, Select Committee to Study Government Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, Intelligence Activities: Senate Resolution 21, Hearings, 94th Congress, 1st Session, Volume 7, p. 171; Laurent, p. 312.

40. New Times, 13 May, 1977, p. 48; Landau, p. 27. 41. New Times, p. 48.

42. Landau, p. 27.

43. New Times, p. 51.

44. Ironically, Ignacio Novo's conviction for perjury derived from having suggested the same flagrant falsehood ("Maybe the communists did it to create problems") to the Washington Grand Jury.

45. Landau, p. 33

46. Dinges and Landau, pp. 242, 379; William Schapp, "Throwing a Case: The

Trial of Armando Lopez Estrada," Covert Action Information Bulletin, (July

1978), pp. 8‑14.

47. Le Monde, I April, 1975; Laurent, pp. 291, 307.

48. Alfred McCoy, The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia (New York: Harper and Row, 1972), pp. 380‑83; Jonathan Marshall, "Opium and the Politics of Gangsterism in Nationalist China, 1927‑1945," Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars (July‑September 1976), pp. 19‑48.

49. Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman, The Washington Connection (Boston: South End Press, 1979), p. 227. The Thai Border Police were supported in the 1950s by a Miami‑based CIA proprietary, Sea Supply Inc., headed by Paul Helliwell (cf. footnote 64 below.)

50. Hougan, pp. 198‑99.

51. Hougan, p. 197.

52. New Times, p. 51; Miami News, 27 July 1977. "Pinochet [chief of the Chilean junta] turned over to the United States drug enforcement administration a planeload of cocaine dealers rounded up after the coup. Their drug dealing could be blamed on Allende's ousted government. Then Pinochet's right‑hand man, Contreras, could set up his own men with DINA protection in the same cocaine factories and shipping points. The anti‑Castro Cubans had a piece of the action. The enormous profits went to supplement DINA's clandestine budget. The Cubans' share went into individual pockets and to the anti‑Castro cause." (Dinges and Landau, p. 264n.).

53. Rodney Campbell, The Luciano Project: The Secret Wartime Collaboration of the Mafia and the U.S. Navy (New York: McGraw Hill, 1977), p. 176.

54. Marshall, p. 42; Richard Harris Smith, OSS: The Secret History of America's First Central Intelligency Agency (Berkeley: University of

California Press), p. 245; Milton Miles, A Different Kind of War (New York: Doubleday, 1967), p. 508.

55. Roberto Faenza and Marco Fini, Gli Americani in Italia (Milan: Feltrinelli, 1976), pp. 13, 138; David C. Martin, Wilderness of Mirrors (New York: Harper and Row, 1980), p. 18.

56. Gaia Servadio, Mafioso: A History of the Mafia from Its Origins to the Present Day (New York: Dell, 1976), pp. 72, 108; Le Monde, 17‑18 June 1973, P. 11.

57. Servadio, pp. 125‑28; Miles Copeland, Beyond Cloak and Dagger: Inside the CIA (New York: Pinnacle Books, 1975), p. 240. The bandit Giuliano who was responsible for the 1947 May Day massacre is said to have received "aid and support from former OSS members (who in the past had furnished him with the arms of the division of [Polish General] Anders), and, it appears. of OSS Chief William Donovan personally" (Faenza, p. 138, citing a conversation with OSS veteran Earl Brennan).

58. Ross Y. Koen, The China Lobby in American Politics (New York; Macmillan, 1960), p. ix; cf. Scott, War Conspiracy, pp. 203‑04.

59. The effect of White's testimony was to suggest that OSS had rejected the proposal, or, as Smith (a CIA veteran) put it (p. 86), "OSS remained aloof, partly at the insistence of Major George White." But the lawyers implicated by White denied his charges altogether. "Three years afterward, when [New York State Commissioner of Investigation] Herlands questioned White under oath about this charge, White did not produce any kind of corroboration" (Campbell, p. 278).

60. John Marks, The Search for the Manchurian Candidate: The CIA and Mind Control (New York: Times Books, 1979), p. 89.

61. George White letter to Harry Anslinger, 10 June 1948, George White papers, Foothill College, Los Altos, Cal.; Servadio, p. 102. The AMGOT recruiter of Vito Genovese and other mafia figures was Charles Poletti, described by Lucky Luciano as "one of our good friends" (Servadio, p. 88). Poletti, a Democratic politician under Roosevelt and law partner of his son, went on to be an overseer of Harvard University."

62. Allan Francovich and Howard Dratch, "On Company Business" (Filmed for television) KQED, 16 May 1980. Sakwa's statement lends credibility to a French report that in 1952 Brown attended a Bordeaux meeting with Antoine Guerini (the chief Corsican mafia contact of Ferri‑Pisani), and Jo Cesari (the Marseilles chemist supplying Luciano with heroin), before Brown moved on to contact mafia personnel in Italy (Jaubert, p. 46n).

63. Will Oursler and L.D. Smith, Narcotics: America's Peril (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1952), p. 87.

64. Scott, p. 211; McCoy, p. 130; As head of OSS S1 Branch in Kunming, China, Helliwell used to pay for intelligence with opium (Wall Street Journal, 18 April 1980). cf. footnote 49.

65. San Francisco Chronicle, 15 January 1959, pp. 1, 4. 66. New York Times, 15 January 1959, p. 4.

67. Susanne Jonas and David Tobis (eds.) Guatemala (Berkeley: NACLA, 1974), pp. 63, 67, 71.

68. Peter Dale Scott, Crime and Cover‑Up: The CIA, the Mafia, and the Dallas‑Watergate Connection (Berkeley: Westworks, 1977), p. 16.

69. New York Times, 4 January 1975, p. 9.

70. Heroin Trail, p. 169.

71. Hougan, pp. 195‑196.

72. London Observer, 7 December 1969; Laurent, pp. 11, 217‑43.

73. Kirkpatrick Sale, Power Shift (New York: Random House, 1975), p. 205. 74. Messick, p. 179.

75. Richard Nixon, Memoirs (New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1978), pp. 643‑44.

76. Epstein, pp. 235‑38, 309‑10.

77. Epstein, p. 241.

78. Jonathan Marshall, "The White House Death Squad," Inquiry, 5 March, 1979, p. 15.

79. Hougan, p. 199; Washington Post, 13 June 1976, C5. Nixon's own ambassador to Costa Rica, Viron Vaky, was aware of Carlos Hernandez Rumbaut's activities and in 1973 ordered DEA to have no more to do with him. But DEA disregarded Vaky's order.

80. U.S.‑Congress, Senate, Committee on Government Operations, Federal Drug Enforcement, Hearings, 94th Cong., 1st Session, pp. 10‑11, cf. pp. 26, 70,251.

81. U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Government Operations, Staff Study of the Frank Peroff Case, 94th Congress, 1st Session, p. 198.

82. Fred Strasser and Brian McTigue, "The Fall River Conspiracy," Boston (November 1978), pp. 124, 180, 182.

83. Peter Dale Scott, Paul L. Hoch, Russell Statler, and Josiah Thompson, Beyond Conspiracy: The Hidden Dimensions of the John F. Kennedy Assassination (Berkeley: Westworks, 1980), cc. 12‑14.

84. Hougan, pp. 205‑06; U.S. Congress House Committee on Judiciary, Impeachment Hearings, Statement of Information, (Washington: G.P.O., 1974), Book VII, p. 602. Michael Oliver, the American adventurer behind the New Hebrides "free zone" secession movement of June 1980, had collaborated in an earlier WerBell project for an independent Abaco in the Bahamas, and is said to have inspired, with Allen, Vesco's Costa Rica project. (Hougan, Spooks, pp. 96‑98, 206‑07). According to the Wall Street Journal (14 July 1980), Vesco himself had been interested in the Azores in 1972‑3 and, through his attorney, Howard Cerny, hired Allen to explore the financial prospects there. In the same period, Allen was a paid consultant to both the Vesco organization and the Nixon White House. Moreover, while still Nixon's deputy assistant for international economic affairs, Allen flew across the Atlantic with Vesco, in Vesco's private plane.

pps. 1-26

=====

PART I

BEAU SERGE

=====

ONE

THE PRISONER

It must have been prisoner 77,343's worst dream come true when, on 1 October 1979, he was transferred to Hell's waiting room, the federal penitentiary in Atlanta.

In Atlanta's nightmare of a maximum security prison, Dominique Orsini, prisoner 77,343's friend and partner in the branch of the French Mafia known as Grupo Frances, had been murdered in an isolation cell on 12 April 1978. In the same prison six months earlier their heroin customer, Vincent Papa, had been eliminated by contract killing.[1] And before that, Orsini's lawyer, Gino Gallina, had been shot down in New York.[2]

Of nine murders committed within Atlanta's walls over a seventeen‑month period in 1977‑78, at least four were contracts on Mafia connected narcotics dealers, of whom Orsini and Papa were among the elite.[3] Since then the killings have continued, despite federal investigation of the obsolete seventy‑eight year old prison.[4]

To the "honorable men" who drive up in black cars and flash their CIA, FBI, and DEA IDs, prisoner 77,343 remains the subject of intense interrogation, and that is another reason for his constant fear all these years. He knows prison walls won't stop his enemies or, for that matter, his friends ‑in his business there's little difference. Thus each time a guard sends in food he sniffs it, pokes at it, tastes it cautiously. That is how it's been for seven years. Only now, in Atlanta, the odds are worse than ever.

The prisoner who knows too much is Christian David, age fifty, French, known among friends as "le Beau Serge," and by more recent acquaintances in Latin America and the U.S. as "Eduardo" and "JeanPierre." Among French Connection notables he's a legend, a man whose mystique grows with each new tale of his exploits.[5]

He's been a pimp, robber, hired assassin for French intelligence, hatchet man in Algiers torture chambers, arms trader, spy, narcotics trafficker and, true to form, lover of beautiful women. He's one of the few alive who knows the truth about the Ben Barka affair that shook France in 1965;[6] he knows details of the brutal power struggle within French intelligence agency SDECE; of SDECE collaboration with the Corsican Mafia; and of secret CIA operations in Latin America. Ample grounds for anyone's paranoia. But David is cunning and tough, and that is why he's still alive.

He arrived in the U.S. on 17 November 1972 from Brazil, where he'd been arrested as the head of the huge narcotics smuggling ring, the Brazilian Connection. International law actually gave extradition priority to France, where he'd been sentenced to death in abstentia for murdering a police officer. But the Americans were not about to let the drug kingpin slip through their fingers.

When fetched from his cell in Brazil, David was desperate. Unsure of his destination, fearing it was France and a guillotine, he smashed a light bulb and swallowed the fragments. Even so, as he later claimed, "the Americans ... filled me with drugs and carried me off to a military plane which flew me to the USA."[7]

Following a short hospital stay, he was hauled to a Brooklyn courthouse where the judge set bail at $2.5 million. Fearing the amount was not beyond the means of David's connections, authorities rammed his case through the labyrinth of justice. Within two weeks of his arrival, federal judge Jacob Mishler sentenced Beau Serge to twenty years in prison for smuggling half a ton of heroin into the United States.

During his trial, proof was obtained of David's activities on behalf of a very special branch of French intelligence known as Service d'Action Civique (SAC). His tri‑colored SAC ID placed on display, David explained: "I was taken from prison in 1961 to work for an organization called SAC. It was arranged by someone with connections in the highest political circles."[8]

Of his confinement in Brazil, he had this to add: "I was tortured by the Brazilians for thirty days and fed nothing for twenty‑six days. They stole all my money. Today I can't afford a lawyer, I haven't a cent."[9] According to Armand, his compatriot and prison mate for the trial, "When I saw David in the West Street jail, I could hardly recognize him, so terribly had the Brazilians mauled him."[10]

This doesn't quite jibe with David's later writing a Parisian friend of his desire to be transferred back to Brazil. But the ways of Christian David are often inexplicable. And for some the thought of torture is more bearable than that of death.

After his arrival in the U.S., David's attitude often shifted, depending on where he saw the greatest dangers. After his sentence was pronounced, he told FBI detectives: "If I had been extradited to France instead of abducted from Brazil, I would only have gotten three years. They would have forgotten about Galibert" (the police lieutenant he'd murdered in Paris). But he later wrote the writer Daniel Guerin: "If you get me a guarantee I won't be extradited to France, I'll tell you the truth about the Ben Barka affair."

The French government's two official attempts to have David extradited failed. And the French press has been surprisingly indifferent. One year after David was jailed in the U.S. (at first in the Marion, Illinois pen), France Soir reported he had shaved his beard, lost weight, complained of heart trouble, and sought admission to Springfield military hospital. On examination, however, the prison doctor found him in excellent health.

Another year passed and the following item appeared: "David acts deranged ... darts about his cell, knocks his head against the wall, gesticulates weirdly, tears at his hair and screams he's being devoured by rats. . . "[11]

Then, in the summer of 1975, the beautiful Simone Delamare, his mistress in Brazil, came to Paris to plead David's cause with the press. In a letter to her dated 29 January 1975, he had written: "I'm doing all I can to avoid extradition to France. All I ask is to be treated like any other inmate. I'm locked in a windowless 2x2 meter cell, never see a ray of sunshine, have no idea of day or night. I hardly sleep anymore because of the evil atmosphere around me. I'm afraid they'll poison my food... The doctor examines me in two minutes. I speak no English and he knows no French. So he can't understand I have heart pains."[12]

After a long silence it was finally reported that on 6 December 1979 Ms. Delamare had visited Beau Serge in Atlanta. In a photo she had taken of their reunion, he no longer seemed particularly handsome. The loss of nearly all his hair had been compensated by a full beard. He reportedly wore strong glasses and was in bad health. A cancer specialist was said to visit him regularly.[13]

Despite appearances, few believe that David is truly incapacitated. He will stop at nothing, the authorities suspect. After all, he escaped from prison earlier in his career by playing mad. But would it really be so strange if he were disturbed? Few can take the constant fear of a sudden death, fed by memories of a life such as his.

Christian David fears both his friends from the Mafia and SAC and his enemies from the SDECE and CIA. But some of them are equally afraid of him. Why? This book does not provide the ultimate answer, but it will lift a corner or two of the veil placed over his record.

pps.27-32

Notes

1. New York Times, 6 May 1979.

2. France Soir, 13 April 1978.

3. Boston Globe, 10 August 1978; New York Times, op. cit.

4. In a report issued 12 January 1980 the Senate Governmental Affairs subcommittee concluded that the Atlanta prison "serves to stimulate criminal activity rather than diminish it" and should be closed down no later than 1984. The Marion, Illinois pen, to which David was first sent, is regarded as the U.S.'s toughest prison and known among inmates as "the end of the line." The successor to Alcatraz, it was built to confine the most hardened and escapeminded prisoners, 100 of whom are housed in an ultrasecurity unit within the maximum security prison. After the bloody February 1980 riot in a New Mexico state prison, 21 inmates there were transferred to Marion, where they joined 400 other convicts in a three‑week strike, beginning on St. Patrick's Day 1980, mostly to protest living conditions.

5. There was even a persistent rumor in 1979 that David had been smuggled back to France as an undercover agent for the DEA, and had opened up a restaurant in Marseilles.

6. The "Ben Barka affair" refers to the mysterious October 1965 kidnaping of the exiled Moroccan political leader Mehdi Ben Barka in Paris. Ben Barka had led the preparations for the Third World's first Tricontinental Congress in Cuba, which took place in early 1966. His disappearance, which involved more than one Western intelligence agency, is one of the great scandals of the century; see chapter six.

7. France Soir, 9 July 1975.

8. The Newsday Staff. The Heroin Rail (Souvenir Press, 1974).

9. L'Aurore, 20 November 1972.

10. R. Berdin: Code Name Richard (Dutton, 1974).

11. France Soir, 7 February 1974.

12. France Soir, 9 July 1975.

13. VSD (Vendredi‑Samedi‑Dimanche), 28 December 1979.

• Excerpt from Henrik Kruger , The Great Heroin Coup – Drugs, Intelligence, and International Fascism (1980 out of print , pages 129-139):  ...

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